Samstag, 30. August 2025
Kony historic hearing at the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Kony's defense team speaks out ahead of historic hearing at the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Joseph Kony is a Ugandan rebel leader born around 1961, best known as the founder and leader of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). The LRA terrorized northern Uganda and neighboring countries with brutal campaigns. Kony called himself a prophet and sought to establish a government based on the Ten Commandments.
Joseph Kony's defense team has spoken out ahead of the historic confirmation hearing, which will take place from September 9 to 11, 2025, at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. The hearing will be held in absentia, as Kony remains at large. The defense team, led by Peter Haynes KC with co-counsel Kate Gibson and others, emphasized that this hearing is not a trial or a verdict, but a procedural step to determine whether there is sufficient evidence for a trial. The defense team proactively protected Kony's rights and challenged the legal basis for proceeding without his presence. This hearing is the first confirmation of charges in absentia hearing before the ICC and represents a historic legal milestone. The defense team also clarified that no one will be convicted or imprisoned at this stage; rather, it is a step toward accountability and justice for the communities affected by Kony's alleged crimes. The ICC Outreach Coordinator emphasized the importance of the hearing as a recognition of the suffering caused by the Lord's Resistance Army conflict in northern Uganda.
Recognition of the suffering caused by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) conflict in northern Uganda includes awareness and official recognition of the gross human rights violations and atrocities committed by the LRA in northern Uganda since 1987, and subsequently in other parts of Central Africa. The LRA, under the leadership of Joseph Kony, is responsible for widespread and systematic crimes, including the abduction of an estimated 60,000 to 100,000 children for use as child soldiers or sex slaves, as well as numerous killings and forced displacement of civilians. In northern Uganda alone, approximately two million people were displaced by the conflict, and many lived in humanitarian camps for a time, dependent on aid. The violence resulted in thousands of violent deaths weekly during the height of the conflict. The conflict is considered one of the most brutal and persistent in the region and is internationally recognized as a violation of human rights and humanitarian law. There have been efforts to negotiate peace and reintegrate former fighters, but acknowledging the damage caused by the LRA remains important for reconciliation and reconstruction in the region.
@https://ndupress.ndu.edu/portals/68/documents/stratforum/sf-270.pdf
@https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/LRA-Konflikt @https://gsdrc.org/document-library/the-challenge-of-ddr-in-northern-uganda-the-lords-resistance-army/
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord's_Resistance_Army @https://hhi.harvard.edu/publications/abducted-lords-resistance-army-and-forced-conscription-northern @https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj/vol40/iss2/1/ @https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/international-lawyers-petition-museveni-over-choice-of-kony-s-lawyer-5154568 @https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kony-s-defence-team-speaks-out-ahead-of-historic-icc-hearing-5149292 @https://theelephant.co.ug/justice-without-the-accused-icc-prepares-for-historic-hearing-against-joseph-kony/
@https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kony
@https://www.strafrechtsiegen.de/freispruch-trotz-dna-olg-kippt-schwerer-brandstiftung-urteil/
@https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/lexika/das-junge-politik-lexikon/320545/internationaler-strafgerichtshof-istgh/
@https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/id/5200b68c-ed3e-478f-9ff7-918ca3cc3bb1/GSSCA13_Kindersoldatinnen.pdf
Donnerstag, 28. August 2025
The next presidential elections in Kenya are scheduled for August 2027
The next presidential elections in Kenya are scheduled for August 2027
. The last presidential elections were held on August 9, 2022, and a president in Kenya serves a five-year term with a maximum of two terms. Therefore, the next election is expected to be held in August 2027.
The election campaign has begun! A wonderful office where the president can do whatever he sees fit, while everyone else must remain silent.
In the 2027 parliamentary elections, several heads of state and government will run and attempt to oust William Ruto.
It is currently impossible to name a number of candidates, but based on previous elections, a large number can be expected.
In the 2022 presidential election, four candidates supported by political parties ran, as well as several independent candidates.
Traditionally, thousands of candidates run for the 349 seats in the National Assembly (Parliament). In the 2022 election, over 16,000 candidates ran for various parliamentary and gubernatorial positions.
A similar number of candidates are expected for all levels of government (president, parliament, county governors, and representatives) in 2027.
Potential candidates include former Minister of Internal Security Fred Matiang'i, who may have used the UPA party as his political tool.
Given the daunting challenge, politicians across the country have to raise billions of shillings to garner votes in various places. Here, in Kenya, votes are bought, much like in ancient Rome. Presidential candidates possess enormous wealth, a testament to their influence in politics and business.
1. William Ruto: President William Ruto is attempting to defend his seat despite strong competition. He is the leader of the United Democratic Alliance (UDA). Despite his political activities, Ruto still runs a chicken business in his hometown of Sugoi. He revealed that he earns at least KSh 1.5 million a day from selling over 150,000 eggs. According to reports from TUKO.co.ke, Ruto owns several properties and businesses, including the Weston Hotel, the Dolphin Hotel, Kilgoris Farm, Moiben Farm, and the Kitengela Gas Company.
He has also invested in the land sector through his company, Matiny Ltd.
2. Rigathi Gachagua: Former Vice President Rigathi Gachagua has announced his intention to challenge his former boss in the 2027 elections.
The Democratic Congress Party (DCP) leader stated that his dismissal will not preclude him from running for president, as his case is still pending in court. During the 2022 presidential debate, Gachagua estimated his net worth at KSh 800 million.
He announced that he had received KSh 64 million from the Ministry of Lands and Housing, KSh 10 million from Kenya Power, KSh 33 million from the Ministry of Livestock, and KSh 46 million from Batek.
His companies include Fortis Vis Group Limited, Spirit Way Ltd, The Treetops Lodge, and over 20 others.
3. Martha Karua: Martha Karua has declared her intention to run for the People's Liberation Party (PVP) as a presidential candidate in 2027. The former presidential candidate of the Azimio la Umoja coalition stated that her net worth is KSh 150 million, up from KSh 56 million due to inflation. Karua owns houses in Nairobi and Kirinyaga, and one of her cars costs KSh 6 million.
4. Fred Matiang'i: Former Cabinet Secretary for Internal Security, Fred Matiang'i, has joined the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). Matiang'i caused controversy when he refused to disclose his net worth in an interview with Citizen TV. He emphasized that his financial affairs should not be a matter of public concern.
5. David Maraga: Former Chief Justice David Maraga has also announced his intention to run for president in 2027. He described the election as a moral battle to protect the constitution and end corruption and injustice. Maraga receives a pension of over 1 million KSh per month and is entitled to comprehensive health insurance. He also presented his large villa – a sign that he leads a luxurious lifestyle.
Kalonzo Musyoka is also mentioned as one of the candidates seeking the presidency and possesses enormous wealth.
Conclusion:
Actually, the conclusion can be kept quite brief, because these candidates are all likely not quite right. All of the individuals mentioned are millionaires and have little to nothing to do with the working population. It is not mentioned whether they have ever worked. No one asks where they got their wealth.
The presidents here act like kings, not like elected presidents. A president is the servant of the people, but here the people are the servant of the president. This is also why the individuals mentioned are not eligible for election. All of them cling to the old structure and are unwilling to take a step into the future. But this is necessary for positive development. Staying where this country is now is a step backward.
@https://kiswahili.tuko.co.ke/siasa/600574-orodha-ya-wanasiasa-wa-kenya-waliotangaza-nia-ya-kugombea-urais-2027-na-mali-zao/
@https://x.com/IEBCKenya/status/1955914857741459676
@https://trt.global/afrika-english/article/18217598
Mittwoch, 27. August 2025
Ethiopia is currently experiencing a remarkable transformation in irrigation development
How William Ruto is splashing millions on US lobbyists
One thing that must also be mentioned here is that the scandals are increasing in number and taking on ever greater dimensions. It all started with the demonstrations in 2024, killings, kidnappings, and then deaths in police custody. Then, in 2025, SHA was added, and now this too.
President William Ruto's government has reportedly allocated significant resources to engage American lobbying firms to boost Kenya's image in Washington amid domestic and foreign scrutiny. According to reports by The Standard, the Kenyan government signed a contract with Continental Strategy LLC, a Washington-based firm with ties to Donald Trump ally and former ambassador Carlos Trujillo, for a monthly fee of 27.1 million shillings (approximately $210,000). This equates to over 325 million shillings annually, a figure that is causing controversy in Kenya given the economic hardships facing many citizens. The deal is intended to boost Ruto's credibility in the US Congress, where his administration's reputation has been questioned amid domestic issues such as corruption allegations and protests against tax increases.
This move comes amid Kenya's complex relationship with the US, particularly after Kenya became the first sub-Saharan African country to become a major non-NATO ally in 2024. However, Ruto's foreign policy, which includes his relations with China and the inclusion of controversial groups such as Sudan's Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has raised concerns in Washington and prompted the Senate to review Kenya's ally status. The lobbying effort is seen as an attempt to counter these tensions and maintain close ties with the US, particularly in light of Ruto's planned visit to the UN General Assembly in September 2025, where he aims to strengthen ties with the incoming Trump administration.
Critics argue the spending is excessive, especially when compared to Kenya's economic challenges, including high living costs and a youth-led insurgency against government policies. The funds allocated to lobbying could be seen as diverting resources from urgent domestic needs and stoking public discontent.
While lobbying is portrayed as a strategy to boost Kenya's global reputation and attract investment, the high cost and the choice of a firm associated with a polarizing figure like Trujillo have led to accusations of desperation and mismanagement. The exact results of these efforts remain unclear, as Kenya's domestic instability and foreign policy missteps continue to tarnish its international image.
Sources:
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001527890/revealed-how-ruto-is-splashing-millions-on-us-lobbyists-to-face-with-washington
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001527890/revealed-how-ruto-is-splashing-millions-on-us-lobbyists-to-save-face
@https://www.standardme dia.co.ke/article/2001527890/revealed-how-ruto-is-splashing-millions-on-us-lobbyists-to-save-face @https://www.africaintelligence.com/eastern-africa-and-the-horn/2025/08/26/ruto-prepares-trip-to-washington-to-save-relations-with-trump-administration%2C110514533-eve
@https://responsiblestatecraft.org/uni ted states kenya @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001527890/revealed-how-ruto-is-splashing-millions-on-us-lobbyists-to-face-with-washington @https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/07/11/kenya-president-ruto-cabinet-riots
@https://responsiblestatecraft.org/united-states-kenya/) @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001527890/revealed-how-ruto-is-splashing-millions-on-us-lobbyists-to-face-with-washington
@https://www.africaintelligence.com/eastern-africa-and-the-horn/2025/08/26/ruto-prepares-trip-to-washington-to-save-relations-with-trump-administration%2C110514533-eve
Montag, 25. August 2025
Robbing the sick in Kenya
This is a pervasive, systemic fraud affecting county officials in Kenya who hold health insurance policies intended to cover their healthcare costs. Despite paying premiums and issuing insurance cards, many county officials are unable to access treatment because their insurance coverage is inactive or rejected by hospitals. This has resulted in county officials being forced to pay for medical care out of their own pockets or forgoing necessary treatment. These problems are rooted in irregular procurement, corruption, and collusion between county officials, insurance providers, brokers, and some private hospitals. This results in millions of public funds disappearing without providing any real medical protection.
The key issues affect county officials, such as Abdulahi in Isiolo, who hold insurance cards for private and public health insurance but are rejected by hospitals, leaving families to pay high medical bills directly.
Insurance premiums are deducted and paid by the districts, but benefits are often suspended or coverage is inactive for most employees, with the exception of a few senior managers.
Corrupt brokers and insurance companies collude with district officials to collect premiums, while employees suffer without health insurance coverage.
An investigation revealed that millions of shillings were paid without appropriate access to healthcare. This scandal was concealed because the lack of health insurance leaves no visible infrastructure.
Several districts have experienced this; examples include Bungoma, Kilifi, Meru, Baringo, Nyamira, and Vihiga, where insurance policies are ineffective despite payments.
Legal experts confirm that insurers are obligated to provide benefits once premiums are paid. Regulators are under scrutiny for failing to prevent this exploitation.
Hospitals are also owed billions in unpaid claims from the health department, further increasing the strain on the healthcare system.
This fraud has had tragic consequences; Some district employees died after being denied treatment due to inactive insurance policies. The scandal also triggered political backlash, calling for greater oversight and accountability in the administration of district health funds.
It can be seen that millions of shillings paid for district employees' health insurance are lost due to corruption and irregularities, leaving sick district employees uninsured and abandoned despite paying their premiums.
The Social Health Authority (SHA) is involved in a context related to insurance fraud, specifically in Kenya's health insurance sector. The Ministry of Health, alongside SHA, has uncovered widespread fraudulent claims involving upcoding, falsification of records, fake inpatient billing, multiple billing, and using ghost patients by various health facilities and professionals. SHA has suspended access rights and billing privileges for these implicated facilities and health workers as part of the crackdown on insurance fraud targeting the public health insurance scheme under SHA. The government has taken strong actions including suspensions, surcharges to recover fraudulent payments, and forwarding cases to criminal investigations and professional disciplinary councils to tackle and prevent further fraud.
The Kenyan government is actively involved in the fight against insurance fraud rather than becoming complicit in it. Numerous cases of insurance fraud have occurred in Kenya, including fraudulent claims, fraudulent billing, and collusion between patients, doctors, and healthcare facilities. In response, government agencies such as the Social Health Authority (SHA), the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) investigate and prosecute fraud cases related to health insurance and public transport insurance. For example, the government recently closed 31 hospitals due to fraudulent claims under the SHA and suspended 40 healthcare facilities for fraud violations. Health Minister Aden Duale announced a crackdown on fraud with legal consequences for perpetrators, including the recovery of stolen funds. There is no credible evidence that the government itself is involved in insurance fraud. Rather, it is committed to curbing and punishing such criminal activities in the sector.
@https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/sha/172262/from-nhif-to-sha-kenya-s-struggle-to-overcome-health-insurance-fraud-boost-affordability
@https://repository.dkut.ac.ke:8080/xmlui/handle/123456789/658
@https://ntvkenya.co.ke/news/govt-shuts-down-31-hospitals-over-fraudulent-sha-claims/
@https://www.dci.go.ke/investigation-bureau
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001527122/robbing-the-sick-county-staff-left-to-die-as-policy-millions-vanish
@https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3D9YJFoMg_hWo
@https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DIg4sNnhX9mc
@https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DIg4sNnhX9mc
@https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3D9YJFoMg_hWo
27. August is Kariba Day in Kenya
Samstag, 23. August 2025
Joseph Kabila was sentenced to death.
Joseph Kabila was sentenced to death.
Joseph Kabila Kabange is a Congolese politician. He is a former military officer. He served as the fourth president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) from 2001 to 2019. He took office shortly after the assassination of his father, President Laurent-Désiré Kabila, during the Second Congo War. Kabila was the youngest head of state in the world at the time, assuming the presidency at the age of 29.
During his presidency, Kabila is credited with ending the Second Congo War and restoring relative stability to much of the country, although conflict continued in the eastern regions. He founded the People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD) in 2002. In 2006, he presided over the first multi-party elections in the DRC in decades. He won the presidency and was re-elected in 2011. His government focused on encouraging foreign investment in mining and improving infrastructure, leading to significant economic growth, despite being plagued by corruption, embezzlement, and human rights violations.
Kabila's presidency was criticized for its authoritarian nature and electoral controversies. His term was scheduled to end in December 2016, but elections were postponed until 2018. Under pressure, he eventually resigned and did not seek a third term. In 2019, Félix Tshisekedi succeeded him in the first peaceful transition of power since independence.
As a former president, Kabila is a senator for life. However, in 2025, he was indicted on charges of treason, murder, and sexual assault in connection with his alleged support of the M23 rebel group in eastern Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo. Kabila denies these charges and criticized the trial as politically motivated. The trial was postponed while prosecutors gathered further evidence. Current President Tshisekedi accuses Kabila of masterminding the M23 insurgency. The situation remains tense due to ongoing conflict in the eastern region and international concerns about foreign involvement.
Joseph Kabila was born on June 4, 1971, in South Kivu province, Democratic Republic of Congo. He is the son of Laurent-Désiré Kabila, a former rebel leader and president of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Now, Joseph Kabila, who is being tried in absentia by a military tribunal, has been sentenced to death.
The Comptroller General of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo described Kabila as the mastermind of the M23's violence, including murder, rape, and torture.
@https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/8/22/drc-prosecutor-seeks-death-penalty-for-former-leader-joseph-kabila
@https://www.aljazeera.com/tag/joseph-kabila/
@https://www.bbc.com/news/topics/cx1m7zg0wxqt
@https://theconversation.com/topics/joseph-kabila-26275
@https://www.wjhl.com/news/national/ap-congos-prosecutor-asks-for-the-death-penalty-for-former-president-kabila-for-war-crimes/
@https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kabila
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Senator_for_life
Foutouri, Burkina Faso, where an estimated 600 terrorists launched a coordinated offensive at dawn.
Foutouri, Burkina Faso, where an estimated 600 terrorists launched a coordinated offensive at dawn.
At dawn on August 20, 2025, an estimated 600 terrorists launched a coordinated offensive near Foutouri in eastern Burkina Faso. The Burkinabe armed forces responded decisively, neutralizing over 100 attackers during the counter-operation. The military managed to kill two high-ranking terrorist leaders: Abou Souleymane, a key logistician, and Abdoul Bâdre, the indoctrination officer. This disruption of the enemy command led to the remaining terrorists withdrawing in a disorderly manner. In addition, the military captured a significant amount of weapons, including motorcycles and machine guns, which significantly hampered the terrorists' operational capabilities.
Burkina Faso's armed forces thwart a major terrorist attack in the east.
The military's effective response led to the elimination of two high-profile targets: Abou Souleymane, a key logistician, and Abdoul Bâdre, who was responsible for indoctrination.
The loss of these leaders fundamentally disrupted the enemy's chain of command, leading to a disorderly withdrawal of the remaining forces.
In addition, significant quantities of weapons, including motorcycles and machine guns, were captured after the engagement, significantly hampering the group's operational capabilities.
@https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/04/africa/burkina-faso-massacre-600-dead-french-intel-intl
@https://en.sputniknews.africa/20250821/1077284696.html @https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/05/12/burkina-faso-army-directs-ethnic-massacres @https://burkina-faso.news-pravda.com/en/burkina-faso/2025/08/21/3507.html
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barsalogho_massacre @https://www.counterextremism.com/countries/burkina-faso-extremism-and-terrorism
@https://www.eeas.europa.eu/node/40714_en
@https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/03/1147851
@@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rout
Freitag, 22. August 2025
Kenya signs a 25 billion yen memorandum of intend.
Kenya signs a 25 billion yen memorandum of intend.
Kenya aims to raise funds from Japan through the issuance of a Samurai bond, a financial instrument. At the ongoing Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) 2025 in Yokohama, Japan, Kenya signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) for the Samurai bond between its Treasury and Japan's Nippon Export and Investment Insurance (NEXI). This would reduce dependence on traditional donors.
Japan has committed to providing Kenya with up to 25 billion yen (approximately US$169 million or Ksh22 billion) in Samurai bonds. This money will be used to promote Kenya's local automotive and parts manufacturing industry.
In particular, the support will be directed toward the production of electric vehicles and improving power transmission and distribution to increase energy efficiency and reduce electricity costs. This financing is intended to stimulate industrial growth, create jobs, and promote innovation in these sectors.
In addition to the Samurai bond, Kenya is exploring other financing instruments such as sustainability-linked bonds and renminbi bonds to better manage its debt and reduce borrowing costs.
- The market tends to value Samurai bonds at higher risk premiums than domestic Japanese bonds of similar credit quality.
- Samurai bonds offer issuers access to a large pool of Japanese investors and diversify their funding sources.
This combination of structural and risk aspects makes Samurai bonds a specialized financing instrument that presents both opportunities and challenges for issuers and investors.
Samurai Risks for Kenya
The risks associated with issuing Samurai bonds (yen-denominated bonds) in Kenya include the following:
– Currency risk;
– Compliance and regulatory risk;
– Market and political risks.
On the positive side, Samurai bonds help Kenya diversify its debt portfolio beyond the US dollar, thus reducing the risk of a weakening shilling against the dollar. Japan's very low interest rates (approximately -0.1%) also make them an attractive financing option for reducing borrowing costs in the short term.
Impact on Kenya's Creditworthiness
The impact of the Samurai bond issuance and the associated borrowing on Kenya's creditworthiness can be summarized as follows:
– Kenya's credit rating has been downgraded in recent years, including by S&P Global and Fitch to B- and by Moody's to Caa1. This is primarily due to high debt levels, liquidity risks, and fiscal challenges. These downgrades have increased borrowing costs and negatively impacted market confidence, making debt servicing more expensive for Kenya.
– Moody's revised its outlook for Kenya from "negative" to "positive" in January 2025, signaling an improvement in liquidity risks and debt sustainability due to economic reforms and more prudent fiscal management. This positive outlook could reduce borrowing costs and ease debt servicing, which in turn could promote economic growth and access to cheaper external financing.
The issuance of Samurai bonds, often denominated in yen at low interest rates, contributes to the diversification of Kenya's debt portfolio but also exposes the country to currency risks. Appropriate management of this risk, combined with fiscal consolidation efforts, could help maintain or improve Kenya's creditworthiness over the long term.
Continued improvements in fiscal management, tax collection, and debt sustainability are critical to improving Kenya's creditworthiness. Conversely, a lack of management of these risks could lead to further downgrades and higher borrowing costs.
The Samurai bond can essentially have mixed effects: It can contribute to cheaper financing and diversification, but its impact on creditworthiness depends on how well Kenya manages the associated risks and overall fiscal discipline.
Isn't Kenya at risk of over-indebtedness?
There is strong evidence that over-indebtedness is a real problem in Kenya, particularly due to high public debt and the rise of digital loans.
Kenya's public debt remains high and continues to rise. As of May 2025, total public debt stood at Kshs 11.5 trillion, an increase of 10.3% over the previous year. The debt-to-GDP ratio was 67.4% in December 2024, 17.4 percentage points above the 50% threshold recommended by the IMF for developing countries. This increased debt burden comes with high debt servicing costs and raises concerns about fiscal and macroeconomic stability. The risk of over-indebtedness remains high despite efforts at fiscal consolidation, indicating the danger of over-indebtedness at the national level.
On the consumer side, the growing digital lending market has increased the risk of excessive borrowing and over-indebtedness, particularly among low-income households. Digital loans are easy to obtain in Kenya but often come with high interest rates, short repayments, and multiple loans from different lenders. Surveys have shown that many digital borrowers juggle multiple loans, with late payments and defaults common. This has led some households to reduce their necessary spending or dip into savings for loan repayments, indicating financial hardship.
Research also suggests that over-indebtedness in Kenya is more related to socioeconomic factors such as low and irregular incomes than to financial irresponsibility. The combination of rising living costs, income volatility, and easy access to expensive credit products contributes to consumers' risk of over-indebtedness.
In summary, there is indeed a real risk of over-indebtedness in Kenya, both at the macroeconomic level due to high public debt and at the household level due to the increasing use of digital credit and socio-economic challenges.
@https://cytonn.com/topicals/review-of-kenyas-1
@https://www.ainvest.com/news/fitch-affirms-kenya-outlook-stable-2507
@https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-08-20/kenya-japan-agree-on-terms-for-yen-loan-instead-of-samurai-deal
@https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/jica/199689/kenya-secures-sh22-billion-loan-from-japan-to-boost-industry-cut-power-bills
Ashenda celebrations in Ethiopia's Amhara and Tigray regions.
Ashenda celebrations in Ethiopia's Amhara and Tigray regions.
The Amhara region is located in northern Ethiopia and borders Sudan to the west, Tigray to the north, Afar to the east, Benishangul-Gumuz to the southwest, and Oromia to the south. The region's capital is Bahir Dar, located near Lake Tana, Ethiopia's largest body of inland water and the source of the Blue Nile.
Tigray is the northernmost regional state in Ethiopia. It is home to the Tigrayan, Irob, and Kunama peoples. Its capital is Mekelle. Tigray is located in the Ethiopian highlands.
Ashenda, celebrated exclusively by girls, honors the Assumption of Mary and is named after the Ashenda herb with which they decorate their dresses. This festival is celebrated once a year.
The Ashenda celebrations are an annual cultural festival celebrated primarily in northern Ethiopia, particularly in the Tigray and Amhara regions. The festival pays tribute to women, and especially girls, who wear traditional dresses called "tilfi," decorated with beautiful embroidery during the festivities. The girls also wear elaborate braided hairstyles, jewelry, and adorn themselves with Ashenda grass.
The festival typically takes place between August and September and lasts from three days to a month, depending on the region. It is shorter in urban areas and longer in rural areas. It is customary for the girls to go from house to house, singing songs and dancing. They receive gifts of money, food, and drink, which are often donated to the church. At the end of the festivities, the women and girls gather at a central location to drum, dance, sing, and celebrate together.
The origins of the Ashenda festival are traced back to the Axum region in the Tigray region, and it is believed to have begun around 400 AD. It is closely linked to Orthodox Christian tradition and follows a fasting period called Filseta, which is observed in honor of the Virgin Mary.
The name Ashenda comes from a type of tall, green grass that grows in the region and is symbolically part of the festive attire. The festival is celebrated under various names among different ethnic groups, including Ashendeye among the Amhara and Engicha among the Gurage. Similar traditions also exist in Eritrea.
In the diaspora, for example, in North Texas, Ashenda is also celebrated to preserve cultural and traditional values, and the celebration provides an opportunity to honor the role of women and bring the community together.
Ashenda lasts from three days to a month, depending on the region. Girls pray together in an Orthodox church before visiting homes to sing, dance, and entertain. Residents give them food, drinks, and money, which is then donated to the church or a charity.
The festival ends with all the girls gathering in a large field for an afternoon of playing games, singing, and dancing to the rhythm of drums.
@https://welcomeethiopiatours.com/de/religious-festivals/
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashenda 1https://www.petitfute.de/p50-ethiopie/c1170-manifestation-evenement/c1250-fetes/c251-fete-traditionnelle-folklore-kermesse/2086830-ashenda.html
@https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0JuXNMK5cTY
@https://www.instagram.com/p/DNm6bwKMZ5L/
Jomo Kenyatta is a symbol of African liberation.
Jomo Kenyatta is a symbol of African liberation.
Jomo Kenyatta (c. 1897 – 22 August 1978) was a prominent Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician. He played a strong role in Kenya's struggle for independence from British colonial rule. He served as Kenya's Prime Minister from 1963 to 1964. And he became the country's first President from 1964 until his death in 1978. Kenyatta is widely known as the founding father of the Kenyan nation.
Born to Kikuyu farmers in Kiambu, British East Africa, Kenyatta was educated at mission schools. Later he studied in London and Moscow. He was deeply involved in advocating for Kenyan independence through the Kenya African Union (KAU). He led the African Union starting in 1947.
The British accused him and imprisoned him by the British colonial government for alleged leadership of the Mau Mau uprising, Kenyatta maintained his innocence and was viewed by many as a symbol of African nationalism.
On August 21, 1961, after almost nine years in prison, Jomo Kenyatta was released. He was not just a human being, but a living symbol of Kenya's struggle for independence and Africa's wider liberation struggle.
His path had already begun in the 1940s when he made contact with Pan-African leaders such as George Padmore and Kwame Nkrumah. At the Manchester Congress in 1945, Jomo joined the call for immediate independence, linking Kenya's cause to a common African struggle.
Arrested during the Mau Mau uprising in 1952. Kenyatta's trial attracted worldwide attention and demonstrated the lengths the colonial powers would go to silence African leaders. Yet even in captivity, his influence endured: in 1960, still incarcerated, he was elected president of the Kenya African National Union.
After his release from prison and exile in 1961, Kenyatta led the Kenya African National Union (KANU) to electoral victory in 1963. As Prime Minister and then President, he oversaw Kenya's transformation into an independent republic. His leadership was marked by efforts to promote reconciliation among Kenya's ethnic groups and the European minority, though his government suppressed political dissent and pursued capitalist economic policies. He championed "Africanization" of the economy, expanded education and healthcare, and positioned Kenya with a pro-Western, anti-communist stance during the Cold War.
Kenyatta died in 1978. His legacy endured in Kenya, and his son, Uhuru Kenyatta, also became President of Kenya later on.
There's another perspective on Jomo Kenyatta.
His presidency in Kenya faced several significant problems.
There were political assassinations and instability. The killings of prominent politicians such as Tom Mboya, J.M. Kariuki, and Pio Gama Pinto under suspicious circumstances undermined public confidence in the government.
Kenya struggled with widespread poverty, ignorance, and diseases that needed urgent treatment (it still does today). The economy also suffered from a lack of adequate development funds. After independence, the transfer of land from white settlers was slow and contentious. The political elite, including Kenyatta's own circle, benefited disproportionately from the land acquisition, leading to inequality and resentment.
The Shifta Insurgency in the Northeastern Province, characterized by banditry and threats of secession from Kenyan Somalis seeking to join Somalia, shifted the focus away from economic development but was overcome by 1968.
Transport and communications infrastructure was poor, particularly the lack of a road network, which hampered development.
Opposition parties such as the Kenya People's Union (KPU) were banned, and political repression, including detention without trial and the suppression of dissent, was widespread. Kenyatta's regime highly centralized power, undermined the system of checks and balances, and fostered a political elite predominantly based on him and his ethnic group.
Corruption was widespread and affected government officials and Kenyatta's family, who used their positions to amass wealth through real estate acquisitions and business interests such as hotels, mining, and trade. This corruption fueled inequality and weakened state institutions.
Kenyatta's approach favored ethnic divisions and the elite, while neglecting the landless and poor majority. This approach hampered genuine nationalism, justice, reconciliation, accountability, and institutional strength.
Suppression of the opposition, the banning of political and civil society groups, and the violent treatment of former Mau Mau fighters and dissidents characterized his rule and negatively impacted Kenya's human rights record.
In summary... nothing has changed, which means nothing has gotten better.
@https://ercec.sc.ke/elearning/secondary/f3/HISTORY%20CHAPTER%207.pdf
@https://rpublc.com/april-may-2021/legacy-of-lost-opportunities/ @https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presidency_of_Jomo_Kenyatta @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/how-kenya-failed-to-sort-out-colonial-land-mess-3853108
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jomo_Kenyatta @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/politics/how-jomo-kenyatta-tackled-major-crises-during-his-days-at-the-helm--466698 @https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/time-to-break-the-jinx-of-kenya-past-regimes-60-years-on-4254438
@https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/jomo-kenyatta
@https://kids.kiddle.co/Jomo_Kenyatta
@https://en.sputniknews.africa/20250821/1077286834.html
@https://record-of-ragnarok-fanon.fandom.com/wiki/Jomo_Kenyatta
@https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_Union
Donnerstag, 21. August 2025
Kenya's economy is recovering
The Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) regularly conducts surveys of CEOs of leading private companies to capture their perceptions, expectations, and concerns regarding the economic situation and business outlook. The survey is conducted every two months, prior to the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meetings, to support monetary policy decisions.
While Kenya's economy is recovering, two key sectors—manufacturing and healthcare—are coming under financial pressure and threatening to slow the overall recovery, according to a new Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) CEO survey.
Key findings include:
Growth forecasts for the Kenyan economy over the next 12 months have improved.
This is supported by macroeconomic stability, favorable weather conditions, and expectations of improved liquidity due to falling bank lending rates.
CEOs' main concerns remain subdued consumer demand, high business costs, the impact of trade conflicts, changes in US policy, and geopolitical tensions.
Companies' strategic priorities for the next three years include increasing efficiency, cost optimization, diversification, talent development, good governance, sustainable growth, digital transformation, and partnerships.
The survey primarily includes CEOs from the tourism, hospitality, manufacturing, financial services, agriculture, and healthcare sectors.
The survey was conducted online in May 2025 among more than 1,000 private companies.
The survey paints a mixed picture: Agriculture, finance, ICT, and tourism will grow thanks to favorable weather, falling interest rates, and a digitalization offensive, while manufacturers and healthcare providers report being stuck in survival mode.
The manufacturing sector is facing crushing liquidity constraints, subdued consumer demand, and exploding operating costs.
CEOs cite rising energy costs, taxes, and logistics costs as the main problems weakening competitiveness.
@https://kenyanwallstreet.com/factories-in-crisis-hospitals-in-distress-as-ceos-warn-of-uneven-recovery-cbk-study/
@https://www.centralbank.go.ke/uploads/market_perception_surveys/1199638691_CEOs%2520Survey%2520July%25202024.pdf
@https://www.pwc.nl/en/insights-and-publications/themes/economics/26th-ceo-survey/ceos-pass-on-higher-energy-costs-by-raising-product-prices.html
Sudan. The situation in El-Fasher is becoming increasingly desperate
Sudan. The situation in El-Fasher is becoming increasingly desperate.
After months of standstill and siege, RadioDabanga reports that the RSF has broken through the defenses at three points.
The Sudanese army successfully repelled an RSF attack on El-Fasher. The RSF suffered personnel losses and material damage, but the army was able to maintain control of the town. El-Fasher is an important strategic town and humanitarian hub in the Darfur region. Despite the ongoing siege and repeated fighting, the town's defenses held firm.
Mittwoch, 20. August 2025
Kenya's leading agricultural companies warn of declining margins as input costs rise
Kenya's leading agricultural companies warn of declining margins as input costs rise by 18% by 2025 and access to credit has worsened. 61% of respondents report higher interest rates.
The top agricultural companies in Kenya are:
1. East African Breweries Limited (EABL): They are a leading company in the beer, spirits, and soft drinks sectors in East Africa. The raw materials for beer production, primarily barley and sorghum, come from Kenya.
2. Bidco Africa: Is a major company active in the production of edible oil, soaps, hygiene products, and sugar. Sugarcane, as a raw material, is grown primarily in western Kenya.
3. Mumias Sugar Company: They specialize in sugar production and are headquartered in Mumias, a region in western Kenya.
4. Delmonte Kenya: Produces and processes pineapple products, including canned pineapples, juice concentrates, and animal feed, and is a major pineapple exporter.
5. Brookside Dairy Limited: Is Kenya's largest dairy processing company with a 45% market share. It distributes dairy products in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda.
6. British American Tobacco (BAT): Also grows tobacco and works with thousands of farmers in various regions of Kenya.
7. Kakuzi Limited: Produces tea, avocados (Kenya's largest exporter), pineapples, macadamia nuts, livestock, and forestry products. Its parent company is the British-based Camellia Plc.
8. Kenya Nut Company: A leading macadamia and cashew nut processing company with an international market. It operates seven farms with its own production from seedling to finished product.
These companies dominate the Kenyan agricultural market in various segments, from food production and processing to agricultural commodities and export products.
In addition to these players, numerous other companies and financial institutions play a role in promoting and modernizing Kenya's agricultural sector, which accounts for approximately 34% of the gross domestic product. Agriculture is primarily characterized by smallholder farmers, who cultivate approximately 75% of the agricultural land. Important export products include tea, coffee, and horticultural products.
These players and initiatives are shaping Kenya's agribusiness as an important part of the economy and are committed to innovation, sustainability, and financial support to promote growth in agriculture.
Production volumes in Kenya have increased compared to the previous year, particularly in certain sectors such as the building materials industry. For example, in cement production, production rose from 6.2 million tons in 2019 to approximately 9.7 million tons in 2022. Metal processing also recorded growth, despite currently rising energy costs in the energy-intensive sector. However, in the manufacturing sector, Kenya experienced a decline in GDP in the first quarter of 2025, from KES 228.855 billion in the fourth quarter of 2024 to KES 219.743 billion in the first quarter of 2025. However, in the long term, GDP from manufacturing is expected to grow until 2027.
Production volumes increased by 7% year-on-year, but export earnings slowed from 11% in 2024 to 4%. Almost half of CEOs plan to reduce capital expenditures, while 72% are shifting to climate-friendly agriculture.
In summary, a year-on-year comparison showed a mixed picture, with growth in some sectors (such as building materials production) and temporary declines in manufacturing in early 2025, but positive developments are expected in the coming years.
The outlook for the sector depends on financing and export demand.
@https://tradingeconomics.com/kenya/gdp-from-manufacturing
@https://allafrica.com/view/group/main/main/id/00078972.html
@https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:EU:2cddb5a5-95c4-4150-bc37-22a9b4191f32
@https://www.universalaccessproject.org/company-commitments/fresh-del-monte
@https://sites.utexas.edu/culturescontexts/tag/brookside-dairy-limited
@https://biznakenya.com/top-agribusiness-companies/
@https://www.f6s.com/companies/agriculture/kenya/co @https://marcopolis.net/top-agriculture-and-agribusiness-companies-in-kenya.htm
@https://de.tradingeconomics.com/kenya/gdp-from-manufacturing @https://www.gtai.de/de/trade/kenia/branchen/kenias-bausektor-hofft-auf-ein-ende-der-flaute-621308 @https://kam.co.ke/manufacturing-outlook-2025-charting-the-path-to-kenyas-industrial-success/ @https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/1417948/umfrage/entwicklung-der-arbeitsproduktivitaet-in-kenia/
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Kenya
@KenyanWallStreet
The Social Health Authority (SHA) has closed all of its district and regional branches
The Social Health Authority (SHA) has closed all of its district and regional branches, including seven in Nairobi.
The Social Health Authority (SHA) in Kenya is a government-owned enterprise responsible for administering public health insurance and providing universal health coverage (UHC) in the country. With the entry into force of the Social Health Insurance Act 2023, it replaced the former National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF) on October 1, 2024.
The SHA's primary mission is to provide accessible, affordable, sustainable, and quality health insurance to all Kenyan citizens and eligible foreign residents. It administers three different health funds:
– the Primary Healthcare Fund (PHCF), which covers primary and preventive healthcare services.
– the Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF), which provides inpatient and outpatient services.
– the Emergency, Chronic, and Critical Illness Fund (ECCF), which covers emergency care and chronic diseases.
The SHA, which reports to the Ministry of Health, aims to expand healthcare coverage, reduce financial barriers, and ensure high-quality care through partnerships with county governments, private sector actors, and international organizations. In addition, the SHA manages contracts with providers and reimburses healthcare services through a central digital platform.
SHA health insurance contributions are based on household income. There is a statutory deduction for formal employees, and informal workers can make an annual prepayment.
The branches were taken over by the defunct National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF), which put employees in a difficult situation because facilities were closed. Employees were transferred to the county offices or to the headquarters in Nairobi, while others remained at home.
Regional offices were closed, and managers were transferred and given new assignments.
However, there are no real assignments, so many remain at home.
Branches outside the county headquarters were closed, forcing some employees to commute long distances.
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/health-science/article/2001527180/why-sha-has-closed-all-regional-offices
@https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Health_Authority_(Kenya) @https://willowhealthmedia.org/sha-shif-taifa-care-here-are-the-key-differences-you-should-know/ @https://www.geopoll.com/blog/understanding-kenyans-perception-of-the-social-health-authority-sha-and-social-health-insurance-fund-shif/
Dienstag, 19. August 2025
Descendants of victims of the Namibian genocide are suing Germany.
Descendants of victims of the Namibian genocide are suing Germany.
Descendants of victims of a genocide in Namibia are taking legal action against a 2021 agreement between the Namibian and German governments. They argue that their voices were not taken into account.
News:
A motion to include Germany in the case will be heard before the Namibian Supreme Court on October 7.
The background:
Between 1904 and 1908, one of the most brutal episodes in German colonial history occurred in the then German colony of German South West Africa (now Namibia): the genocide of the Herero and Nama ethnic groups.
The Herero uprising began in 1904. Faced with the increasing dispossession of their land by German settlers, ruthless colonial policies, and the destruction of their livelihoods (particularly due to the rinderpest), the Herero rose up under their leader, Samuel Maharero. They attacked German farms and settlements, but deliberately killed only adult male settlers and spared women, children, missionaries, and other Europeans.
The "Extermination Order" (October 1904) was not long in coming. After the initial clashes led to a military escalation, General Lothar von Trotha was dispatched as the new commander-in-chief of the German "Schutztruppe." After the Battle of Waterberg in August 1904, in which the Herero were driven into the waterless Omaheke Desert, von Trotha issued the infamous "Extermination Order" (also called the "Conquest Proclamation"). In it, he declared that every Herero, whether armed or unarmed, would be shot.
The Nama uprising began in late 1904. In the face of German brutality and the threat of the Herero's annihilation, the Nama also rose up under their leaders, such as Hendrik Witbooi. They waged a guerrilla war against the German troops for years. Von Trotha also issued a similar order against the Nama.
Genocide and concentration camps were introduced between 1904 and 1907. The German colonial power persecuted the survivors of both ethnic groups with relentless severity. Many Herero and Nama died of thirst and hunger in the desert after their escape routes were cut off and water sources were poisoned. Those who were captured were sent to concentration camps, where they were forced to perform forced labor and suffered catastrophic conditions. Thousands died of malnutrition, disease, and mistreatment.
The uprisings ended in 1907. Although the war continued until 1908, the uprisings had been largely suppressed by the military. The Herero and Nama societies were almost completely destroyed by the war and the subsequent policy of extermination. According to estimates, between 65,000 and 80,000 Herero (up to 80% of their population) and approximately 10,000 Nama (approximately 50% of their population) died during this period.
The genocide of the Herero and Nama is now considered the first genocide of the 20th century. Germany has now officially recognized these crimes as genocide and announced that it will provide financial resources for reconciliation and reconstruction in Namibia, without, however, describing these as formal reparations payments.
The 2021 Agreement:
In a groundbreaking statement, Germany has finally:
– recognized the atrocities as genocide "from today's perspective."
– issued an official apology.
– pledged $1.3 billion in development aid over 30 years.
Why there is a lawsuit:
The descendants of the victims reject this agreement. They argue:
▫️The aid funds do not constitute official "reparations" and do not adequately address the crimes.
▫️The Namibian government did not adequately consult with the affected communities.
▫️The declaration was made without their consent.
The lawsuit questions the validity of the agreement and seeks a more just solution to this historic injustice.
@https://niletribunes.org/2025/06/16/namibia-holds-first-genocide-remembrance-day-for-victims-of-german-colonial-atrocities/
@https://worldwithoutgenocide.org/genocides-and-conflicts/herero-and-nama
@"Südwest" von Karl Glanz
Sonntag, 17. August 2025
Opposition in Ivory Coast protests president's fourth term
Opposition in Ivory Coast protests president's fourth term
Thousands demonstrated in Abidjan on Saturday against President Alassane Ouattara's plans to run for re-election.
"We will demonstrate day after day... He will not seek a fourth term," declared former President Laurent Gbagbo.
Ouattara, 83, argues that the 2016 constitution allows him to run again. Gbagbo and former Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam, who were barred from running, strongly rejected this claim.
Opposition in Ivory Coast protests president's fourth term
The opposition calls this fourth term unconstitutional. The two largest opposition parties had called for a peaceful protest to protest the exclusion of their candidates from the presidential election in October. They are demanding their candidates be reinstated on the electoral roll.
President Ouattara, in office since 2011, declared his candidacy for a fourth term at the end of July 2025 despite criticism, arguing that the constitution allowed him to do so following a 2016 constitutional amendment. The opposition rejects this, calling the fourth term an abuse of power. The current constitution actually sets a limit of two terms, but the Constitutional Court ruled in 2020 that the term count would restart after the constitutional amendment. This allowed Ouattara to begin a third term in 2020, a decision that was also criticized by the opposition.
The protests were largely peaceful, although the political situation is tense, as the main opposition candidates, including former presidents and prominent political figures, have been excluded from the election. This is leading to tensions and fears of a renewed political crisis in the country. The opposition sees the protests as a warning to those in power and a demand for political change and more democracy.
In opposition are:
- the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI);
- the Party of African Peoples – Côte d'Ivoire (PPA-CI);
- other opposition groups mentioned include the Congress of Youth and the People (COJEP), which supports former politician Charles Blé Goudé, who was also barred from the election.
In summary, the opposition in Côte d'Ivoire is vehemently protesting President Ouattara's fourth term, which they consider unconstitutional, and the exclusion of opposition candidates from the upcoming presidential election in October 2025.
@https://www.stern.de/news/elfenbeinkueste--tausende-demonstrieren-gegen-angestrebte-vierte-amtszeit-des-praesidenten-35961620.html
@https://www.bundle.app/de/nachrichten/westafrika-tausende-demonstrieren-in-der-elfenbeinkuste-gegen-den-prasidenten-D340AF72-95CA-4E42-8B6E-BB9CE3936D27
@https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2025-08/elfenbeinkueste-proteste-praesident-alassane-ouattara-vierte-amtszeit
@https://taz.de/!6103102
@https://www.zeit.de/thema/elfenbeinkueste @https://www.stern.de/news/praesident-der-elfenbeinkueste-strebt-trotz-kritik-vierte-amtszeit-an-35933568.html
@https://taz.de/Vor-Wahlen-in-Elfenbeinkueste/!6103102/
@https://www.zeit.de/thema/alassane-ouattara @https://www.dw.com/de/pr%C3%A4sident-ouattaras-machtwille-spaltet-elfenbeink%C3%BCste-erneut/a-73482007
Outtara https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tl-sx-_tk1A @https://table.media/africa/news-en/elfenbeinkueste-proteste-fuer-politischen-wandel-im-vorfeld-der-wahlen
Freitag, 15. August 2025
Cholera Outbreaks Recorded in 23 African Countries Since Beginning of 2025,
Cholera Outbreaks Recorded in 23 African Countries Since Beginning of 2025, Africa CDC Says
In March, UNICEF noted a significant cholera outbreak in eastern and southern Africa, with over 178,000 cases reported since early 2024.
Outbreaks have been confirmed in countries including **Nigeria, Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Somalia, and South Sudan**.
Thousands of cases and hundreds of deaths have been reported, with children being particularly vulnerable.
Heavy rainfall and flooding in parts of East and Southern Africa.
Overcrowded displacement camps due to conflicts (e.g., Sudan, DRC).
Weak sanitation infrastructure in urban and rural areas.
Shortages of vaccines and medical supplies.
The UN reported over 1,300 cholera-related deaths in Sudan in the latter half of 2024. The Africa CDC recorded 220,000 cases in the first seven months of this year and 254,000 in 2024.
This remains a major public health challenge in Africa, requiring urgent international support to curb transmission and save lives.
Donnerstag, 14. August 2025
Charges against Patrick Osoi
Charges against Patrick Osoi
Patrick Osoi is a former Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) officer and US Army veteran. He also reportedly claims to be a former National Intelligence Service (NIS) officer. He recently gained attention for founding a group called "Fighting Brutality and Impunity (FBI)," whose goal is to combat police brutality. Patrick Osoi was arrested on July 29, 2025, and arraigned at the Kahawa Magistrates' Court on July 30, 2025.
Patrick Osoi denies arrest charges and says he voluntarily surrendered to the police.
He faces several charges related to his founding of the "Fighting Brutality and Impunity" (FBI) movement.
The charges include:
- Preparation of a crime. (Authorities accused Osoi of planning activities that could disrupt public order and national security, particularly in connection with protests around June 25 and July 7, 2025.)
- Unauthorized possession of a firearm and ammunition. (The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) alleged that Osoi possessed a firearm and ammunition without a valid certificate, citing a photo from a shooting training session at the Kirigiti shooting range on July 25, 2025.)
- Offenses related to the recruitment and promotion of terrorism. (The DCI accused Osoi of using his social media platform, particularly X, to mobilize current and former security personnel for the FBI movement, which was considered a potential threat to national security due to its viral reach and influence.)
Osoi was arrested at Muthaiga Police Station. The DCI requested 14 days to complete the investigation, fearing he might mobilize disaffected officers and civilians. His legal team, led by Duncan Okatch, challenged the detention, arguing that Osoi had cooperated with authorities and that his social media influence had been unfairly used against him. A court ruling on his detention was expected on July 31, 2025. On August 8, 2025, he was granted bail of Ksh 50,000 in cash, along with co-accused Jackson Kuria Kihara (Cop Shakur) and Hiram Kimathi. Following his release, Osoi vowed to continue his fight against police brutality through the FBI movement.
The case has sparked public debate. Some see it as an attempt to quell opposition to police violence, others as a necessary response to potential security threats. The FBI movement described by Osoi aims to combat police misconduct and extrajudicial killings and to support officers ostracized for resisting illegal orders.
The charges are shaky. It is already clear, and should be clear to everyone, that these charges are an attempt at suppression.
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001525732/former-kdf-officer-osoi-arraigned-over-formation-of-fbi
@https://kwetucollections.co.ke/2025/07/30/ex-kdf-officer-patrick-osoi-arraigned-over-formation-of-fbi/
@https://tukio.co.ke/patrick-osoi-arrested-appears-in-terror-court-over-firearm-and-felony-charges/
@https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/114673-police-arrest-ex-kdf-soldier-patrick-osoi-over-anti-brutality-movement
@https://kahawatungu.com/osoi-in-court-for-forming-group-to-fight-police-brutality/
@https://www.tuko.co.ke/kenya/599579-patrick-osoi-fbi-movement-leader-denies-arrest-claims-voluntarily-surrendered-police/
Mittwoch, 13. August 2025
The RSF continues to besiege El Fasher
The RSF continues to besiege El Fasher
The RSF is a powerful paramilitary force in Sudan that emerged from militias with a violent legacy and now plays a key role in Sudan's ongoing conflict and political instability. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continue to besiege the Sudanese city of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur State. This siege has been ongoing since April 2024 and has led to severe humanitarian crises. El Fasher is the last major city held by the Sudanese government in the Darfur region, and the RSF has long sought to take control of the city.
In recent weeks, there has been an escalation of violence, particularly with large-scale RSF attacks on El Fasher and the adjacent Abu Shouk refugee camp, which is home to internally displaced people. At least 57 civilians were killed in these attacks, including 40 in the Abu Shouk camp. The attacks include repeated shelling and targeted violence against civilians, raising international human rights concerns. The UN has expressed concern about these attacks and called for the protection of civilians and a humanitarian pause to allow vital aid to arrive. Furthermore, exit routes from El Fasher are blocked, leaving many people trapped in the city, at risk of hunger and a lack of medical care.
According to the UN, around 25 million people – half the population – in Sudan are suffering from acute hunger. The UN also warned of a high risk of ethnic persecution as rebels attempt to take control of El Fasher and the Abu Shouk camp.
The siege is leading to an acute humanitarian emergency: Many residents are suffering from hunger because aid deliveries are being blocked or have stopped arriving. Some families are trying to grow makeshift food in their homes or eat fodder crops, but this is far from enough. Children are particularly vulnerable, and the situation could deteriorate further if a humanitarian solution is not found.
The humanitarian situation in the region is catastrophic. There are reports of attacks on civilians. Looting and sexual violence are also increasing.
The e-citizen problems are spreading.
The e-citizen problems are spreading.
The e-citizen disaster in Kenya affects several critical issues surrounding the digital government platform e-Citizen, which provides access to over 5,000 government services, including passports, identity cards, driver's licenses, permits, business registrations, and more.
Key points of the e-citizen disaster:
There was a cyberattack (2023). In July 2023, the e-citizen portal fell victim to a massive cyberattack, specifically a distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack reportedly carried out by the Sudanese hacker group "Anonymous Sudan." The attack disrupted access to key government services such as passport applications, visas, and other services. Although the government stated that no data was compromised or lost, the disruption forced the government to issue visas on arrival to foreigners and led to service disruptions in departments such as the National Transport Security Authority and Kenya Railways.
Then came the massive financial scandal (2025). This has been reported several times. In 2025, a shocking financial scandal occurred in which billions of Kenyan shillings collected through the e-Citizen platform were missing or unaccounted for. According to audit reports and investigations:
Approximately KSh 44.8 billion collected through e-Citizen was reported missing, sparking public outrage and deep distrust.
A special audit uncovered irregular transactions worth KSh 11 billion, highlighting fraud, embezzlement, and revenue leakage through the platform.
There were also problems such as excessive fees and fictitious payments.
Despite government claims of control, the platform's operations were partially run by third parties, particularly Web Masters Limited, raising concerns about oversight and misuse of public data.
The government was criticized for a lack of transparency and the silence of senior officials, including President William Ruto, on the matter.
The Public Accounts Committee called for the platform's closure following these revelations.
And the platform was shut down. Anyone applying for a visa, i.e., an extension of an expired visa, waits for a response, which never arrives. There's no message from immigration either. They play deaf and blind. The applicant has to go to immigration in person, and then suddenly everything works. The applicant has to go to a cyber counter and print two files. Applicants used to be able to pay by credit card, but that's no longer possible. They have to go to a bank and deposit money there.
Concerns about governance and security. I have those too, and not a few of them. The platform's administration is spread across multiple ministries and not centralized. The government has admitted that it does not fully control the system and does not receive adequate reports from the platform, making accountability difficult. Security vulnerabilities were revealed in both the hacking and the financial irregularities. The scandal raises serious questions about Kenya's digital governance and corruption controls on its leading digital service platform.
The e-Citizen disaster in Kenya thus combines a serious cybersecurity breach with a serious financial corruption scandal. This resulted in widespread service disruptions, massive losses of public funds, and a crisis of confidence in the government's digital transformation initiatives. The scandal continues, and parliamentary investigations and calls for accountability continue.
At the moment, e-citizen is completely shut down. Nothing works anymore.
William Rutom, the President of Kenya, sees digitalization as key to Kenya's economic development. His government is committed to infrastructure, e-government, and digital innovation, but still has several hurdles to overcome to implement its goals across the board.
As anyone can see here, he has failed. It's not just the e-citizen platform that's malfunctioning. Digitization in Kenya is not well understood. Data must be entered into a computer form, and once it's approved, it must be printed out and presented. The same applies to the "excellent" eTA (electronic travel authorization). Every person entering Kenya needs it. The immigration officer doesn't know the eTA number and has to copy it from the printed eTA form they bring with them.
In short, Kenyans don't understand what digitization means.
https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/kenyan-gov-t-says-its-e-citizen-portal-suffered-cyberattack/2956271
https://allafrica.com/stories/202507240508.html
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EomBkn9fnck
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BmBIt1IBj44
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-66337573
https://www.bbc.com/news/wo rld-africa-66337573
https://nation.africa/kenya/news/e-citizen-flaws-exposed-sh9bn-lost-sh2-5bn-illegally-collected-5144778
https://rtcnews.africa/kenyas-ecitizen-scandal-billions-looted-trust-betrayed-in-digital-disaster/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QSvancsMz2c
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qdPYjl4jAOY
Dienstag, 12. August 2025
The e-citizen scandal in Kenya
The next scandal to rock Kenya.
As Kenyans suffer economic hardship, President William Ruto's silence on the multi-billion dollar e-Citizen scandal is causing outrage and deepening mistrust.
The Auditor General's shocking revelations regarding the misappropriation of Shillings 9.4 billion from the e-Citizen platform; an audit has produced a damning report that the funds were illegally diverted and disbursed to "foreign" companies and private entities.
The report, submitted to the National Assembly's Public Accounts Committee, describes how the digital service platform may have led to a total loss of Shillings 9.4 billion and how it was used to illegally charge Kenyans Shillings 2.6 billion in fees for using the platform.
With millions of Kenyans struggling to make ends meet, struggling with high living costs, unemployment, and relentless tax increases, a shocking revelation has gripped the nation.
The loss of 9.4 billion Kenyan shillings related to the e-Citizen platform is primarily attributable to a questionable contract between the Kenyan government and a consortium of three companies (Web Masters Kenya Limited, Pesaflow Limited, and Oliveree Media Limited). These companies operate the e-Citizen platform, which runs 22,000 government services and generates approximately 700 million shillings daily.
In the fiscal year ending June 2024, the service providers earned approximately 1.45 billion shillings from fees and maintenance costs. The contract contains a controversial exit clause that gives these companies the right to shut down the platform if the government terminates the contract, which could jeopardize control of critical data. Members of Parliament and committees have serious doubts about the legality and transparency of this deal, which also poses security and financial risks for Kenya. There is criticism that those responsible at higher levels of government were not sufficiently involved in the contract negotiations.
In addition, Kenya has a generally deep-rooted corruption problem that also affects large sums of taxpayer money, which in many cases can lead to loss or waste. Political scandals and opaque financial flows are common, making the situation complex.
In short, the money largely went to the private companies operating the e-Citizen platform under a controversial and controversial contract, fraught with oversight and transparency issues. This poses financial and security risks to the Kenyan state.
Even more deafening than these facts is President Ruto's silence.
The self-proclaimed champion of a "digital government" and a "ruthless fight against corruption" has not uttered a single word since the scandal came to light during a hearing of the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee (PAC) this week.
Now, following a damning report by the Auditor General, former Chief Justice David Maraga has called for the publication of all domestic and foreign bank accounts allegedly used to siphon billions of shillings from eCitizen.
The presidential candidate also demanded that the owners of these accounts be publicly identified and prosecuted under existing laws.
Maraga accused the government of impunity and called for the immediate resignation of all officials implicated in or connected with the reported irregularities.
In the report, Attorney General Gathungu uncovered a series of irregularities at eCitizen, including the illegal collection of Ksh2.1 billion via the Ksh50 transaction fee for accessing government services on the platform.
According to the special report on eCitizen published in March, the government illegally increased transaction fees, contrary to instructions published in Official Gazette No. 9290/2014 of December 23, 2014.
The audit revealed that the Ministry of Finance continued to charge a processing fee of Ksh 50 per transaction, instead of the officially set nominal administrative fee per transaction, which should have been a pro rata percentage of the amounts paid.
The report also uncovered the illegal diversion of funds from the mandatory 222222 payment invoice for government services to private accounts.
The bank statements showed that four transactions were made from the paybill account to private companies instead of the specified clearing account totaling Ksh 127 million.
Another damning revelation of the report was the payment of over Ksh 492 million for services provided to improve the system to a company that was not a party to the contract.
Meanwhile, Maraga assured that the public will not tire of seeking answers, adding that Kenyans will not relent in their quest for accountability and good governance.
The eCitizen platform currently powers 22,000 government services and collects a whopping Ksh 700 million daily.
Launched in 2014, it grew to serve 5,000 county and national government services in its first few years of operation, including agencies such as the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), the National Registration Bureau (NRB), and, more famously, the National Transport and Safety Authority (NTSA).
@https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001526346/how-billions-were-moved-in-a-shadowy-web-through-e-citizen
@https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZftWjGONkmc @https://www.welt.de/regionales/berlin/article203873510/Kritik-an-Milliardenkredit-Kenia-Koalition-verteidigt-Plaene.html
@https://ag.ecitizen.go.ke @https://www.zdf.de/nachrichten/politik/ausland/afrika-kenia-nairobi-deutschland-wirtschaftsgipfel-china-beziehungen-100.html @https://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/grundeinkommen-in-kenia-experiment-ueber-zehn-jahre-ohne-bedingungen-a-1088085.html
@https://mfa.ecitizen.go.ke
@https://www.giz.de/de/mediathek/91939.html
@https://dis.ecitizen.go.ke/auth/sso-login@ @https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/korruption-in-kenia-schmierstoff-fuer-die-wirtschaft-100.html
Montag, 11. August 2025
Niger Celebrates Zarma-Songhai and Dendi Peoples' Culture
The Republic of Niger is a country in West Africa. With an area of over 1.2 million square kilometers, Niger is the largest country in West Africa and the 22nd largest in the world.
The capital, Niamey, lies on the Niger River. The country has a population of over 20 million, including various ethnic groups, including the Hausa, Zarma-Songhai, Tuareg, and Fulani. French is the official language, and Islam is the predominant religion.
Niger has a rich cultural heritage with diverse music, dance traditions, and colorful festivals honoring its diverse ethnic groups. Niger boasts some natural landscapes in the north (the Sahara), in the center (the Sahel), and along the Niger River are fertile plains. Despite challenges such as poverty, food insecurity, and political instability, Niger's people demonstrate resilience and drive in their pursuit of national development.
Niger recently celebrated the rich cultural heritage of the Zarma-Songhai and Dendi peoples, highlighting their traditions, music, dances, and history. These ethnic groups, primarily located in southwest Niger (along the Niger River), as well as neighboring Mali, Benin, and Nigeria, have strongly shaped the country's cultural identity.
Zarma griots (oral historians/musicians) played gourumi (a traditional lute) and duma (drums) during the performances.
The Dendi presented their unique rhythms, often associated with their riverine livelihood.
Exhibitions of handwoven textiles, pottery, and jewelry reflected centuries-old craftsmanship.
Storytelling sessions preserved oral traditions of the Songhai Empire, which once ruled the region.
The Zarma-Songhai people trace their roots back to the Songhai Empire (15th-16th centuries), a major West African power.
The Dendi, a subgroup, maintain special traditions linked to their ancestral homeland near the Niger Bend.
Why this festival is important: The event contributes to preserving intangible heritage in the course of modernization. It fosters pride among Niger's diverse ethnic groups. Such festivals spark interest in Niger's cultural richness beyond the Sahara.
@https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DGfUT6LhBBYs%26pp%3D0gcJCfwAo7VqN5tD @
@https://afrodiscovery.com/country/niger/niger-tourist-attractions/cultural-experiences-in-niger-music-dance-and-traditional-festivals
Sonntag, 10. August 2025
A group called Fighting Brutality and Impunity (FBI)
As reported, there have been extrajudicial killings and abductions in Kenya.
Data on extrajudicial killings (often police executions) and abductions (including enforced disappearances) in Kenya for 2024 and mid-2025. These incidents increased amid widespread anti-government protests, particularly against the 2024 Finance Bill, and ongoing economic grievances through 2025. Data are primarily from human rights organizations such as Missing Voices, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (HRW), and the Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU), as well as media reports. Note that exact figures may vary slightly due to underreporting, ongoing investigations, and different classifications (e.g., some abductions result in killings). The official government continues to deny involvement, but evidence from autopsies, witness statements, and independent investigations points to complicity by state security forces in many cases.
In 2024, Kenya saw a significant increase in these violations, largely due to the protests from June to August. The 2024 Missing Voices Annual Report, compiled by a coalition of human rights groups, provides the most comprehensive statistics:
Extrajudicial killings: 104 cases, a 12% decrease from 118 in 2023, but still the highest number in recent years when kidnappings are included.
Most cases were police-related, with Nairobi County recording the highest number (e.g., 90 victims identified in one breakdown).
The deadliest months were June and July, linked to protests against the Finance Bill, in which at least 60 people were killed by police. HRW documented police violence during protests, including shootings and cover-ups (e.g., deaths falsely reported as accidents).
55 cases, a 450% increase compared to 11 in 2023 for removals. The KNCHR reported 82 abductions from June to December. 29 people were still missing at the end of the year. Many targeted protesters, activists, and critics; some reappeared tortured or dead. For example, during the June protests, 34 cases of enforced disappearances and 23 killings were documented. Total number of cases: 159 (104 killings + 55 enforced disappearances).
Other sources confirm:
Amnesty International confirms: At least 104 extrajudicial executions, over 600 arbitrary arrests, and dozens of disappearances during protests.
KNCHR confirms: 57 abductions since June, of which 22 are alive, 6 are dead, and 29 are missing.
Reuters confirms: Following the protests, kidnappings of critics spiked, with police denying involvement despite evidence.
Impunity remains high; according to IMLO and OMCT reports, no official was prosecuted for these offenses in 2024.
Data for 2025 are incomplete and focus on ongoing trends, including renewed protests in June 2025.
At least 63 cases of extrajudicial killings were documented by the KNCHR in early 2025, mostly related to the repression of protests.
OMCT warned of a "new wave" of killings in the wake of the June 2025 protests.
Reuters pointed to the cover-up of protester deaths.
The KNCHR reported 89 cases of kidnappings, 29 of which were still missing in January.
This includes critics and refugees (e.g., seven Turkish refugees were kidnapped and deported in October 2024, but this affected the trends for 2025).
Until mid-2025, kidnappings targeted online critics and protesters. For example, six kidnappings were reported in December 2024-2025.
Amnesty International noted that bodies of kidnapped victims were found in morgues, contradicting police reports.
Estimates: A total of over 150 cases by August 2025, but unconfirmed due to real-time data.
Civicus and KHRC indicate state repression; the number of kidnappings has increased since the 2024 protests.
No convictions have been reported, fueling impunity.
These figures underscore a pattern of state-sponsored violence that has been confirmed by multiple independent sources, despite government denials.
In response to these incidents, former police and military personnel, including Patrick Nyambaka Osoi (Osoi is a former Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) officer who was arrested and charged in connection with the founding of a movement. He faces charges including preparation of a crime, illegal possession of firearms and ammunition, and involvement in activities prejudicial to public order and national security. Osoi and his accomplices were seen wearing riot gear and accused of recruiting former and serving police officers to defy illegal orders, endangering national security and public unrest. He was detained pending investigation but later released on bail.
), Hiram Kimathi (is a former Kenyan police officer known for his outspoken stance against police brutality and controversial government directives. He gained media attention for openly declining an official transfer to Todonyang Police Station, which he described as a punitive measure for speaking out against the government. Kimathi criticized Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen's "shoot-to-kill" order against violent protesters and publicly spoke on police reforms and human rights. Following a notable TV interview and social media posts against police brutality, he claimed his life was in danger due to threats of abduction), and Jackson Kuria Kihara (also known as Cop Shakur, is a Kenyan prison officer who was notably involved in protesting against the Finance Bill 2024 and the high cost of living, which led to his interdiction from duty. He was seen publicly participating in demonstrations wearing his prison officer uniform and advocating for rejecting the bill. In January 2025, he was arrested and charged with publishing false information and cybercrime offenses related to posts on social media that allegedly linked the government and the Executive to abductions of government critics. He was charged under the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act No.5 of 2018, with potential penalties including a fine or imprisonment. He denied the charges and was released on bail pending trial), formed a group called Fighting Brutality and Impunity (FBI*1). The group's goal is to combat police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the country. The group's objective is to privately investigate and document such incidents to promote accountability and justice.
This group is not wanted by the government. They won't be able to do much, but even attempting to do something is too much.
However, the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) in Kenya investigated the group for possible links to the terrorist organization, leading to the arrest of its members, including Osoi and Kimathi, in July and August 2025. The DCI's actions raise concerns about the group's activities, and there are allegations that the arrests may be politically motivated due to the group's stance against police misconduct.
*1) This group is distinct from the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), which maintains a separate presence in Kenya focused on counterterrorism through initiatives such as the Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF-K).
@https://ke.usembassy.gov/the-department-of-state-and-fbi-partner-with-kenya-to-launch-first-overseas-joint-terrorism-task-force/
@https://www.fbi.gov/news/press-releases/fbi-state-department-partner-with-kenya-to-launch-first-overseas-joint-terrorism-task-force
@https://2017-2021.state.gov/the-department-of-state-and-fbi-partner-with-kenya-to-launch-first-overseas-joint-terrorism-task-force/
The Situation in Haiti
The situation in Haiti is deteriorating.
This situation was brought about by the United States, which temporarily closed its embassy in Port-au-Prince due to the fighting in the Tabarre region.
The US has also warned its citizens against traveling to Haiti.
In June, the Kenyan police marked one year since they began their operations in the country. Nevertheless, the situation has worsened. Violence, sexual violence, and displacement are on the rise.
The Kenyan-led Multinational Security Assistance Mission (MSS), deployed in Haiti since June 2024, faces significant challenges amid rising gang violence, funding constraints, and operational hurdles.
The MSS, which is intended to support the Haitian National Police (HNP), has failed to curb gang dominance. Gangs like the "Viv Ansanm"*1 coalition now control 90% of Port-au-Prince and have expanded into rural areas. In 2024, over 5,600 people were killed – an increase of over 1,000 compared to 2023.
The Kenyan Armed Forces (800 troops deployed, less than the planned 1,000) face better-armed gangs, inadequate equipment (e.g., bulletproof vehicles that do not deflect missiles), and poor coordination with the HNP.
At least three Kenyan officers were killed (February–March 2025), and others were injured or taken hostage. Officers report frequent gang attacks and substandard equipment, including helmets and armored vehicles that fail under fire.
A 400-strong contingent returned to Kenya in June 2025 as their contracts expired, further straining the mission's capacity.
The United States, the main donor, froze $13.3 million in aid under President Trump, while forgiving $40.7 million for logistics and equipment. The UN Trust Fund has only $100 million of the $600 million needed. Other nations (e.g., Benin and Barbados) withdrew their pledges, leaving the mission at only 40% of its planned strength of 2,500 troops.
The Kenyan government insists it has done its part and calls on the international community to engage, while critics call for a troop withdrawal on constitutional and security grounds.
The MSS base at Port-au-Prince airport cannot be expanded, leaving 261 officers stranded in Nairobi due to space constraints.
Over 1 million Haitians have been displaced because gangs are blocking access to aid. Many locals doubt the mission's effectiveness, as there have been no visible improvements in security.
Sixty-four percent of the victims were killed during security operations, more than a third of them in connection with drone strikes.
The fragility of the transitional government and calls for dialogue by gang leader Barbecue add to the complexity. The United Nations condemned these operations, as they resulted in civilian casualties. Fifteen percent of the deaths were attributed to failed security operations.
The recent clashes near the US Embassy are linked to anger over the arrest of former Haitian Senator Nenel Cassy, who is charged with supporting gangs, financing illegal groups, conspiracy to harm national security, and murder.
Nothing has improved! Gang attacks in the Artibonite, Centre, and Capital regions continue to lead to serious human rights violations. This is also leading to a major humanitarian crisis.
Analysts warn that Haiti's disintegration into a gang state is imminent if the MSS fails—a result attributed not only to Kenya but to global inaction.
Despite its mandate and the mission's deployment in October 2023, it has so far failed to contain the escalating violence and gang power in the country. In its first year, the number of civilian deaths and internally displaced persons increased exponentially, and the MSS achieved no security-related gains. There were also problems with insufficient troop strength (750 instead of the planned 2,500), a lack of proficiency in the local languages among Kenyan leaders, insufficient equipment, and political and financial support. The international community, especially the United States, is showing hesitancy and threatening to withdraw its support. Within Kenya, there is also criticism and growing opposition to the mission due to the high costs and risks for the police officers deployed. Haiti remains on the verge of collapse, and the mission is under great pressure to reorient its strategy.
*1) The Viv Ansanm is a powerful gang alliance in Haiti, founded on February 29, 2024, through the merger of the major gang factions G9 and G-Pèp. It operates primarily in and around Port-au-Prince. Led by Jimmy Chérizier, it controls approximately 80% of the greater Port-au-Prince area and the surrounding cities. The alliance reduced internal gang conflicts and increased the gangs' territorial influence, while also targeting state institutions.
The coalition aims to combat Haitian and American oligarchs and has been involved in violent clashes with the Haitian government and the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Assistance Mission (MSS). Viv Ansanm has carried out significant attacks, including coordinated attacks in February 2024 that forced the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry, and is accused of massacres and violent clashes with police and international forces.
In May 2025, the United States designated Viv Ansanm as a "transnational terrorist group," highlighting its control over almost all of Port-au-Prince and its growing influence. The designation reflects the group's role in the intense violence, displacement, and destabilization of Haiti, which has led to over one million displaced people and a worsening humanitarian crisis.
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