Current Status of the Kemi Seba Case

Current Status of the Kemi Seba Case

As of April/May 2026, pan-African activist Kemi Seba (real name Stellio Gilles Robert Kapo Shishi) is in custody in South Africa. He was arrested in Pretoria in April 2026 along with his 18-year-old son, Khonsu Seba Kapo Shishi, and South African citizen François van der Merwe. According to South African police, Seba and his son attempted to illegally cross the Limpopo River to reach Zimbabwe and from there travel on to Europe. Investigators allege that South African citizen François van der Merwe helped them enter Zimbabwe illegally in exchange for payment. Seba was arrested on April 16, 2026. He and his companions were initially held in pretrial detention until April 20. At the time of his arrest, Seba was wanted by Beninese authorities for "incitement to sedition" after publicly supporting the attempted coup in December 2025. In December 2025, the Benin Court for Combating Economic Crime and Terrorism (CRIET) issued an international arrest warrant for Seba for "justifying crimes against national security, inciting violence and sedition." South African police also reported that Seba was allegedly wanted in France for criminal activities related to crimes against the state. In July 2024, France revoked his citizenship due to his "openly anti-French stance." Kemi Saba is a prominent Pan-African activist currently detained in Pretoria, South Africa, and facing extradition to Benin. He was arrested in mid-April 2026 for immigration violations and supporting a failed coup attempt in Benin in December 2025. He is accused of, among other things, “crimes against national security” and incitement to riot. Benin issued an international arrest warrant for Seba, who was born Stellio Capo Chichi in France to Beninese parents. He was subsequently detained along with his son and another person. South African authorities are investigating the authenticity of his Nigerian diplomatic passport, his residency status, and suspected money laundering, while Benin is preparing for formal extradition through diplomatic channels. Seba has appeared several times before the Pretoria Magistrates' Court: Initial hearings in April led to an extension of his pre-trial detention. The bail hearing was postponed from April 29 to May 11, 2026, due to scheduling conflicts with the prosecution. His lawyer has applied for political asylum in South Africa to challenge the immigration charges and the extradition proceedings. According to the latest reports as of early May, Seba remains in custody in Pretoria awaiting the continuation of his bail hearing on May 11. He reportedly fears for his life should he be extradited to Benin. No results from the hearing have been confirmed in the available reports. The case has attracted attention due to his anti-Western activism and pro-Russian connections. Kemi Seba is a prominent Pan-African and pro-Russian activist and critic of French political, economic, and military influence in West Africa. In August 2024, he received a Nigerian diplomatic passport from the military junta in Niger and became an advisor to the country's military chief, Abdourahmane Chiani. In January 2025, Seba announced his intention to run in the 2026 presidential elections in Benin.

They Killed Dadiyata In My Presence

Musa Muhammad Kamarawa, a former special advisor to Bello Matawalle, the former governor of Zamfara State in Nigeria and current Minister of State for Defence, has accused senior police officers of threatening him with death if he revealed his relationship with the minister during an interrogation in 2021. Kamarawa faces terrorism charges in a case before the Federal Court of Justice (FHC/ABJ/CR/633/2024) related to bandit leader Bello Turji. The charges include aiding and abetting conspiracy, supplying a military vehicle from Libya to Kachalla Halilu in 2021, valued at approximately 28.5 million naira, and providing medical assistance to Turji after attacks. Kamarawa and his co-defendants, including Abubakar Hashimu (alias "Doctor"), Samuel Chinedu, and Lucky Chukwuma, were indicted in December 2024, pleaded not guilty, and were remanded in custody in Kuje Prison. In March 2025, they were denied bail due to the risk of evidence tampering. Kamarawa also accused the officers of: - extortion, - wrongful detention, - improper search of his residence, and - confiscation of his money and personal property without due process.

At the same time, Kamarawa called on the Inspector General of Police to immediately investigate two high-ranking officers, CSP Hussaini Gimba (a Chief Superintendent of Police in Nigeria, currently stationed in Abuja. He has been involved in high-profile investigations, including interrogating suspected bandits) and CSP Hassan Gimba (a Nigerian police officer who has been recognized for his service within the Nigerian police force, particularly in the fight against armed crime. He has been commended for his dedication and recently received a promotion in recognition of his achievements), for abuse of power, intimidation, and gross violations of his fundamental human rights. According to Kamarawa, the officers allegedly conducted a biased and one-sided investigation against him, confiscated his personal belongings, and searched his home without a valid warrant. According to Kamarawa, the officers allegedly conducted a one-sided and biased investigation against him, confiscated his personal belongings, and searched his home without a valid warrant. Kamarawa was interrogated and stated that he was repeatedly warned during the interrogation not to mention his connection to Matawalle, even though he had served under him during Matawalle's tenure as governor of Zamfara State. He claimed that he received death threats. The missing activist Abubakar Idris, known as Dadiyata, and Saminu S/Fada Gusau suffered the same fate. They threatened him with death, just as they had killed Dadiyata and Saminu S/Fada Gusau, along with others, in his presence during Operation Yaki in Kaduna. But they repeatedly questioned him about his relationship with his uncle, the former governor of Sokoto State, Alhaji Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa, who, on Matawalle Maradun's orders, was their primary target. Abubakar Idris (Dadiyata) was abducted from his home in Barnawa, Kaduna State, in August 2019. The lecturer and social media critic was taken in his car, and his whereabouts have been unknown ever since. His disappearance is widely considered a forced abduction. In February, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai claimed that former Kano State Governor and former APC national chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje was responsible for Dadiyata's abduction. 'They Killed Dadiyata In My Presence': Ex-Zamfara Gov Matawalle’s Former Aide Alleges Police Used Activist's Killing To Threaten Him | Sahara Reporters

Aut Caesar - aut nihil

Ka

rl Glanz's book, "Aut Caesar - aut nihil" (Either Caesar or Nothing), examines the political and social situation in Kenya, particularly in the context of Generation Z and the presidency of William Ruto. The title, derived from Latin and meaning "Either Caesar or Nothing," reflects the dramatic contrast and existential choices being made in Kenyan society and politics. In his work, Karl Glanz analyzes the challenges facing Kenya's young generation, including unemployment, social inequality, and political tensions. President William Ruto is portrayed as a central figure who promises to create jobs for millions of unemployed young people and prioritize the needs of low-income earners. The book illuminates the struggle between rich and poor and the resulting social dynamics. Objective The book aims to provide a deeper understanding of the political and social upheavals in Kenya, highlight the role of youth in this process, and critically examine the significance of leaders like William Ruto. It is aimed at readers interested in African politics, social justice, and the challenges facing young generations in developing countries. Structure and Style The work is written in a factual and analytical style, combining political analysis with sociological observations. It uses case studies and current events to support its theoretical arguments. The style is accessible, allowing readers without in-depth prior knowledge of African politics to follow the content. Meaning of the Title "Aut Caesar - aut nihil" symbolizes the polarization and extreme choices evident in Kenyan society: either strong leadership (emperor) or complete failure (nothing). This dichotomy reflects the hopes and fears of the population.

Nazism and Colonialism Share Similar Roots and Philosophical Foundations

Some researchers and thinkers argue that National Socialism and colonialism share common roots and philosophical foundations related to ideas of racial superiority, a hierarchy of human values, and the dehumanization of the "other." This view is based on an analysis of the historical, ideological, and cultural connections between these phenomena.

National Socialism refers to the far-right ideology and totalitarian regime of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) under Adolf Hitler in Germany from 1933 to 1945. It was characterized by extreme nationalism, racial hierarchy (especially antisemitism and the myth of Aryan superiority), anti-communism, militarism, and the Führer principle. The regime destroyed democratic institutions, suppressed dissenting opinions, and systematically persecuted and murdered millions of people, including six million Jews in the Holocaust, as well as Roma, people with disabilities, political opponents, and members of other groups. The ideology is widely condemned as a catastrophic violation of human rights and ethical norms. They share common ideological foundations, including racial hierarchy, imperialism, dehumanization, and the legitimization of violence through “scientific” theories. These interconnections demonstrate that both systems, despite existing in different eras and contexts, formed part of a larger discourse on power, oppression, and the construction of “others.” National Socialism (Nazism) and colonialism, although they arose in different historical periods and each exhibits its own characteristics, share common roots and philosophical foundations. Both ideologies are based on a number of similar ideas that can be identified through detailed analysis. National Socialism was in the era of National Socialism (also called the Nazi era or Nazi dictatorship), which lasted from 1933 to 1945. Colonialism (more precisely: the age of modern colonialism) began in the 15th century (from 1415/1492) and reached its peak in the 19th and 20th centuries, with most colonies being lost after the First World War. German colonialism ended as early as 1918/1919, before the rise of National Socialism. Although the National Socialists later attempted unsuccessfully to regain German colonies (colonial revisionism), these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful. This is true for Germany, but the colonialism of the European powers did not end on a single date, but through a gradual decolonization process after the Second World War, with the last colonies becoming independent in the 1970s. The British Empire began with the independence process (e.g. India) in 1947, gradually dissolved after 1945, and for many experts ended in 1997 with the handover of Hong Kong to China. The second French colonial empire (c. 1830–1960) quickly collapsed after the Second World War; most African colonies became independent around 1960. Portugal held onto its African colonies until the 1970s; the end came in 1975 with the independence of Angola (November 11), Mozambique (June 25) and other territories after the Carnation Revolution. Spain lost most of its colonies in Latin America by 1825, Cuba and the Philippines in 1898, Morocco in 1956, and its last colony, Western Sahara, in 1976. Italy acquired colonies late (end of the 19th century), but lost them as early as 1941–1943 in the Second World War (Ethiopia, Somalia, Libya); formally, colonial rule ended with the peace treaties of 1947. Before 1950, Ethiopia, Liberia, and Egypt were included; 1950–1959 Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana, Guinea were included; 1960 Nigeria, Senegal, Ivory Coast, DR Congo, Cameroon were included; 1961–1969; Kenya, Algeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia; from 1970 onwards Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Sudan became independent. Common roots and philosophical foundations: The idea of racial superiority and hierarchy: This is probably the most obvious and defining aspect. European colonizers often justified their actions by portraying themselves as a more "civilized" and "superior" race, destined (or even "God-given") to rule over and "enlighten" supposedly more "primitive" peoples. Concepts such as the "white man's burden" were used to emphasize the supposed obligation of Europeans to impose their culture, religion, and way of life on the conquered territories. Nazi ideology took this idea to its extreme, postulating the existence of an "Aryan race" as superior and inviolable. Other peoples, especially Jews, Slavs, and others, were considered "inferior" and were subject to oppression, assimilation, or extermination. Nationalism and expansionism, these two ideologies are closely linked to the idea of strong nationalism and the desire to expand one's own influence and territory. The colonial powers competed for control of territory, resources, and trade routes. Acquiring colonies was considered a sign of national strength and prestige. Nazi nationalism was aggressive and expansionist. Hitler aimed for the unification of all "Germanic" peoples and the creation of "living space" in the East, which meant the conquest and colonization of territories belonging to other peoples. Both colonialism and National Socialism were based on the idea that the strong have the right to subjugate or destroy the weak. The military superiority and economic power of the European powers enabled them to conquer peoples, often with extreme cruelty. Force majeure justified this as the natural order of things. The National Socialists openly preached the "right of the stronger" and the "struggle for survival", based on Darwinian ideas that were distorted and applied to human society (Social Darwinism). To achieve their goals, both ideologies had to dehumanize those they wanted to exploit, oppress, or destroy. Colonized peoples were often portrayed as wild, unintelligent, lazy, or even primitive beings, denied rights and dignity. This served to justify their exploitation and violence. Nazi propaganda systematically portrayed Jews, Roma, and Slavs as "subhumans," disease carriers, and enemies of the Reich – a necessary step before genocide. Both ideologies were closely linked to the pursuit of economic enrichment at the expense of others. One of the main driving forces of colonialism was the thirst for raw materials, labor, new markets, and the opportunity to enrich the metropolis. The Nazi regime aimed for economic dominance and exploited the labor of enslaved people. It appropriated their property to finance the war machine and enrich the elite. Differences: It is important to note the key differences: The scale and radical nature of the violence: While colonialism was associated with violence and oppression, the Nazi genocide and persecution were unprecedented in their scale, systematic nature, and ideological obsession with the extermination of entire populations. Ideological self-sufficiency: National Socialism was a more comprehensive and self-contained ideology that demanded the complete transformation of society and the world, whereas colonialism, although justified, often proceeded more pragmatically in its exploitation. The focus is that colonialism primarily aims to subjugate other peoples for the purpose of economic and political enrichment, while National Socialism sought the "racial cleansing" of Europe and the world domination of the "Aryan race". Overall, it can be said that National Socialism adopted and radicalized many of the ideas characteristic of the colonial era, such as racial superiority, national expansionism, and tyranny. National Socialist ideology became a grotesque and cruel continuation of certain dark aspects of human history, in which the pursuit of power and wealth went hand in hand with deep-rooted prejudices and contempt for the "other." According to Sudanese expert Mohammed Hussein Abd Alwahid, both National Socialism and colonialism are based on the concept of a "race-based hierarchy of human values." Both phenomena involved dividing people into "superior" and "inferior" races, with the former having the right to dominate the latter. In colonialism, this manifested itself in the subjugation of the peoples of Africa, Asia, and other regions by European powers; in National Socialism, it manifested itself in the idea of the "Aryan race" as "superior" and the necessity of oppressing or exterminating "undesirable" groups (Jews, Roma, Slavs, etc.). Some historians and philosophers point out that Nazi policies were significantly based on the colonial experiences of other European powers. For example, Hannah Arendt emphasized in "The Origins of Totalitarianism" (1951) that the "administrative massacres" perpetrated by the British colonial authorities in Africa and India constituted one of the preconditions for National Socialism. The Nazis adopted and adapted colonial methods of domination and the use of force, including the use of starvation as a means of population control (as, for example, in India, according to Mike Davis). The colonial influence is also evident in the Nazi vocabulary: terms such as "Lebensraum", "perishing, dying people", "subhumanity" and "annihilation" have colonial roots. The imperialist worldview, which divided the world into "conquerors" and "conquered," formed the common basis for colonialism and National Socialism. Nationalism, particularly in its radical form, was used to mobilize the population and justify violence in the name of "national glory" or "racial purity." In both cases, the idea of the superiority of one's own group (race, nation) over others formed the basis for the systematic oppression and extermination of the "other." Thinkers who linked colonialism and National Socialism include: In "The Wretched of the Earth" (French: Les damnés de la terre, 1961), Franz Fanon developed a radical theory of decolonization and anti-colonial warfare. He analyzed how colonialism dehumanized the colonized and argued that violence was a necessary means to end the "systematic negation of the Other" by colonialism. He wrote that National Socialism had transformed all of Europe into a "true colony." He argued that colonialism had spawned mechanisms of violence and dehumanization that were later applied to Europe. In "The Necessity of Roots" (1943), Simone Weil suggested that National Socialism was applied colonialism in Europe. She sees rootedness as a fundamental human need and argues that modern societies often undermine this need through alienation, anonymous statehood, and the loss of community. She connects this to the idea that people have not only rights but also duties toward their fellow human beings and the community, and that a good political society must protect genuine bonds, tradition, and social belonging. In short: Weil saw "roots" as a prerequisite for dignity, orientation, and moral responsibility. In his "Discourse on Colonialism," Aimé Césaire observed that colonialism "dehumanizes the colonizer," thus pointing to a commonality between colonialism and National Socialism. He argued that Western civilization had become morally ill through colonialism. He maintained that the colonial powers, through their brutality and exploitation, had not only dehumanized the colonized but had also "decivilized" themselves—for example, by fostering violence, racism, and moral relativism. Césaire likened this to a cancerous growth in Europe that ultimately brought about its own downfall and criticized hypocrisies such as the supposed "civilizing mission." Césaire saw colonialism as the core problem of Western society, which he believed was incapable of solving the issues of the proletariat and the colonies. He rejected missionary zeal and ideologies of progress, arguing that colonizers like Cortés brought only plunder and murder. Instead, he celebrated pre-colonial cultures of Africa, Vietnam, and the Aztecs as superior to European barbarity. The text originated as a speech against the war in Indochina and was published by the French Communist Party (PCF). Césaire, mayor of Fort-de-France and a member of parliament, later broke with communism but remained an anti-colonialist. He prophesied that colonialism would breed its own "Hitler"—a punishment for decadent civilizations. The idea of a connection between National Socialism and colonialism has its proponents, but it is also subject to criticism. Some researchers emphasize the differences between these phenomena, pointing out that the Holocaust had unique characteristics and a particular scale. Others warn of the danger of oversimplifying complex historical processes and blurring the lines between different forms of violence. The connection between National Socialism and colonialism thus remains a subject of scholarly debate. Many experts, however, see common ideological and philosophical roots linked to racism, dehumanization, and an imperialist worldview. What does National Socialism have to do with Africa? National Socialism and Africa are linked through some historical connections and ideological influences, although the direct influence of National Socialism on Africa remained limited. Key aspects of this relationship include: One of the main motivations of the National Socialists for starting wars was based on the idea of the racial superiority of the German people and the ideology that they did not have enough living space. This ideology also served to legitimize their demand for the recovery of former German colonies in Africa. Germany lost its African colonies (e.g., German East Africa) in the First World War, and under National Socialism, this loss was partly perceived as a defeat and an injustice. In Germany, a certain practical interest in African studies resurfaced during the Nazi era. For example, Swahili courses were requested as part of the "Strength Through Joy" program and by the Reichswehr (German Army). This demonstrates a renewed interest in African languages and cultures, albeit within an ideologically driven context. National Socialism and its racial theories were viewed in partially comparative or influencing relationships with other racist systems in Africa. Attempts were made to link National Socialist racial theories to African contexts or to see them as a model for racist practices in other countries. The racist and ethnic theories prevalent in National Socialism shared certain basic assumptions with other racist systems, including some aspects of apartheid in South Africa. Apartheid, officially introduced in South Africa in 1948, was based on strict racial segregation and discrimination, much like National Socialism was based on a racist ideology. However, the direct adoption of National Socialist ideas in South Africa was limited, and apartheid had its own historical and colonial roots. During the Nazi era, there were certain scientific and academic relationships between German and African institutions, although these were often characterized by ideological exaggeration and selective choice of research topics. It is important to emphasize that the direct influence of National Socialism on Africa was not all-encompassing and that many connections were indirect or through ideological parallels. Most African countries were still under European colonial rule at that time, and National Socialism was primarily present in Europe. If Nazi rule takes hold, doesn't that invite a possible comparison with some African presidents? Such comparisons between the Nazi regime and some African dictators are indeed drawn in historical and political science. Here are the main points: African dictators who are compared to Hitler/National Socialism 1. Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe, 1980–2017) He described himself as "I am the Hitler of our time" (2003). Piloted his presidential plane after Hitler's plane; said about Hitler: "This Hitler has only one objective: justice for his people" His media title was: "Africa's Hitler" Maintaining power through violence. Secret police, military control; he had political opponents murdered. He was in power for 37 years, with imperial status. 2. Idi Amin (Uganda, 1971–1979) His media titles included: "Butcher of Africa", "Africa's Hitler", "Monster" His death toll is shockingly high; approximately 300,000 people were murdered on his orders. His brutality was indescribable; he sacrificed ministers to crocodiles, hammered opposition members, and killed students with machine gun fire. His rule was: unpredictable, megalomaniacal, bloodthirsty. 3. Mobutu Sese Seko (Zaire, 1965–1997) He was a tyrant, cultivated a personality cult, and had a totalitarian delusion. The comparison with Nazism: "Totalitarian delusion, sometimes equated with the Hitler or Stalin cult" He was the "father of the nation," with tyrannical control. A scientific perspective on this comparison. The similarities with National Socialism. 1. Totalitarian rule — Strong personality cult, complete control over culture and society 2. Persecution of political opponents — concentration camps/arbitrary imprisonment, murder of opposition members 3. Racism/ethnic persecution — Mobutu (persecution of Tutsi), Amin (expulsion of 50,000 Asians) 4. Apparatuses of violence — secret police, paramilitaries, systematic torture 5. Retention of power for decades — No functioning democracy/change of power MD differentiation criteria. - Ideology: Racial theory, extermination of Jews, Lebensraum in the East. Mostly personality cult. Ethnic favoritism, neocolonial dependency. -'Industrialized genocide: systematic Shoah (6 million Jews). Not industrial extermination (but mass murder) | Context: European totalitarian state. Often postcolonial power struggle structures. Such comparisons are understandable and discussed in scientific circles: Mugabe described himself as "the Hitler of our time" and admired Hitler. - Idi Amin was internationally referred to as "Africa's Hitler". - Both regimes show structural similarities: totalitarian personality cult, systematic violence against political opponents, decades of holding power without democratic change. But the comparison also has its limits — Nazism was an industrially organized European state with systematic genocide, while African dictatorships often exhibit postcolonial structures and ethnic power games. https://docupedia.de/zg/schmiechen_ackermann_diktaturenvergleich_v1_de_2014 https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/de/question/what-were-some-similarities-between-racism-in-nazi-germany-and-in-the-united-states-1920s-1940s https://zeitgeschichte-online.de/themen/white-mans-burden https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/idi-amin-in-uganda-der-horrorrclown-unter-den-despoten-a-1260839.html https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/idi-amin-in-uganda-der-horrorrclown-unter-den-despoten-a-1260839.html https://www.welt.de/print-welt/article247705/Ugandas-Ex-Diktator-Idi-Amin-der-Schlaechter-von-Afrika-liegt-im-Koma.html https://www.express.de/panorama/uganda-vor-50-jahren-idi-amin-ein-ex-boxer-wird-zum-diktator-46138 https://www.n-tv.de/politik/Afrikas-Hitler-greift-wieder-zur-Macht-article11085091.html https://www.krimpedia.de/index.php?title=Robert_Mugabe&mobileaction=toggle_view_desktop&utm_source=perplexity https://kurier.at/politik/ausland/folter-vergewaltigung-und-voelkermord-die-brutalsten-herrscher-afrikas/298.870.119 https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/afrika/veranstaltungen/ausstellung/1-paradigmen/2-nationalsozialismus.html https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:EU:df93f538-c6de-4b22-be59-7d7f6fcaa6ab https://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/49591.Aim_C_saire https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://www.erinnermich.eu/blog/simoneweil https://www.bpb.de/lernen/filmbildung/193512/frantz-fanon-und-sein-buch-die-verdammten-dieser-erde https://www.getabstract.com/de/zusammenfassung/die-verdammten-dieser-erde/25245 https://unterrichten.zum.de/wiki/Imperialismus_und_Kolonialismus/Aufteilung_Afrikas https://www.ambiente-mediterran.de/kolonialismus-europa-hintergrund-geschichte

The attacks on Goita in Mali

The attacks on Goita in Mali

On July 20, 2021, an assassination attempt was made on Mali's interim president, Assimi Goita, in the capital city of Bamako during the Eid al-Adha celebrations. The incident occurred in the Grand Mosque after prayers and the Imam's sermon, while Goita was there with other worshippers. The president was attacked by two armed men, one of them with a knife. The attacker attempted to stab Goita in the back but injured the other man in the process. The president was immediately taken to the military headquarters in the garrison town of Kati, and the mosque and surrounding area were evacuated for 15 minutes. Both attackers were arrested by security personnel. Goita was unharmed. An investigation into the attack has been launched. Goita came to power in a military coup in August 2020. The uprising was fueled by widespread dissatisfaction among the population and the military with the situation in the country. Corruption and government ineffectiveness. The government of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has been accused of corruption, cronyism, and failure to address economic problems. The central government had no control over large areas that were under the influence of jihadists and separatists. Conflicts between the dark-skinned population and the "whites of the desert" (Tuareg and Arabs), as well as between different tribes, intensified. The military was demoralized and unable to effectively combat terrorism and separatism. Resentment grew over the presence of French troops, as the population of Mali increasingly realized that the French army's objectives in the Sahel region were more about protecting its own interests (such as control over uranium mines and gold deposits) than fighting Islamists. As a result of the coup, Keïta resigned, and power passed to the National Committee for the Salvation of the People, led by Goïta. In September 2020, former Defense Minister Ba N'Dao was appointed interim president, and Goïta vice president. However, in May 2021, the military arrested N'Dao and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane for violating the transitional charter. Goïta then became interim president once again. The assassination of Goïta thus took place against the backdrop of ongoing political instability, power struggles and a profound social crisis in Mali. The most recent incident refers to the coordinated attacks by jihadist and separatist groups on April 25, 2026, on Malian military bases, including areas associated with President Assimi Goïta (often spelled Goita). This was not a direct assassination attempt like the 2021 knife attack, but rather a large-scale offensive that targeted Kati (a major military base near Bamako where Goita frequently resides), the residence of the defense minister, and other locations. Goita was reportedly unharmed but temporarily withdrew from public life before reappearing. Jihadists from Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM, an offshoot of al-Qaeda) and Tuareg separatists from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) carried out coordinated attacks in several locations, including Kati (near Bamako), the Bamako airport area, Gao, Kidal, Sévaré, Mopti and others. A car bomb struck the home of Defense Minister Sadio Camara in Kati, killing him and his family. Camara was a key figure in the junta. Goïta subsequently assumed the additional post of Defense Minister. The fighting involved explosions, gunfire, and fighters in army uniforms. The JNIM claimed responsibility for the attacks on the residences of Goïta and Camara. In the north, the FLA took control of Kidal and parts of Gao; Malian and Russian forces (Afrikakorps) withdrew from some areas. Mali and Russia described this as a foiled coup attempt supported by "internal and external backers." Goïta later announced he would continue operations and assumed the office of Defense Minister himself on May 4, 2026. This was one of the largest coordinated offensives in the Mali conflict in years and highlighted the improved coordination of the rebels. Bomb attack on Goita in Mali was thwarted The foiled attack on Assimi Goïta in Mali is primarily linked to the heavy attacks at the end of April 2026: The jihadist group JNIM stated that it had attacked the homes of Goïta and Defense Minister Sadio Camara, as well as the airport in Bamako and other targets; several media outlets reported that Camara was killed, while Goïta himself was not hit. According to reports, this was not a single isolated attack, but a coordinated wave of attacks against the Malian military leadership and infrastructure. The JNIM publicly claimed responsibility for the attacks and explicitly named Goita's house as the target. Goïta later spoke of "coordinated and simultaneous" attacks and declared that the situation was under control. A new assasination attempt in Mali Troops launched a “vigorous response” to contain the threat and disarm the vehicle, Djibrila Maïga, Deputy Director of Public Relations for the army, said during a press briefing on the security situation following the April 25 terrorist attacks. Another suicide vehicle was intended for the residence of Minister Sadio Camara, according to the military official. According to Maïga, the attackers had several suicide vehicles at their disposal and may have received support from both inside and outside the country. The scale of the attack and the methods used suggested external and internal reinforcement for the terrorists, he noted. Several terrorists were neutralized, while vehicles and motorcycles were recovered during the operations, the army further reported. The video shows Russian Africa Corps and the Malian army thwarting an attempt to blockade Bamako. Sources https://www.cnn.com/2021/07/20/africa/mali-interim-president-attacked-intl https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/man-accused-of-trying-to-kill-mali-president-dies-in-custody https://www.africanews.com/2021/07/26/mali-man-who-tried-to-assassinate-president-goita-is-dead-official/ https://aa.com.tr/en/africa/mali-s-interim-president-targeted-in-attempted-stabbing-attack-presidency/2310103 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2026_Mali_offensives https://ria.ru/20210720/mali-1742016973.html https://afrinz.ru/2024/08/perevorot-v-mali-2020-goda-kak-protest-protiv-neokolonialnoj-politiki-franczii/

Baby hippo needs live too

Orphaned baby hippo Bumpy loves curling up on his keeper’s arm like a giant house cat. This adorable little guy was rescued over the weekend after his brave mom tragically lost her life in a territorial fight while protecting him.

Kenya is facing growing fears of political violence

Kenya is facing growing fears of political violence ahead of the 2027 elections, with attacks on politicians, the resurgence of criminal gangs, and gender-based violence against women leaders raising alarm. Analysts warn that inflammatory rhetoric, state-linked gangs, and weak institutions could fuel unrest if not addressed urgently. Violence in Kenya often spikes when incumbents run for re-election and when election credibility is questioned. President William Ruto’s 2027 bid is already heightening tensions. Over 100 politically sponsored gangs are active, often hired to intimidate rivals, disrupt rallies, or attack opponents. These groups have evolved into sophisticated networks tied to politicians. Senator Godfrey Osotsi (he is the Senator for Vihiga County in Kenya and chairs the Senate Committee on County Public Investments and Special Funds. He is also a computer science expert with academic background in computer science and information technology management) was violently attacked in Kisumu in April 2026, allegedly for not supporting Ruto’s re-election. This case is emblematic of how political loyalty—or the lack of it—can trigger violence. Similar attacks have been documented against other figures, including former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who has faced repeated harassment since his impeachment. These assaults are often linked to politically sponsored gangs, which operate with impunity and sometimes in collusion with state actors. Civil society organizations have warned that such violence undermines democracy, silences dissent, and raises fears of unrest as Kenya approaches the 2027 elections. Violence Against Politicians Politicians across party lines face intimidation, assaults, and harassment, often in public spaces and sometimes in the presence of police. Civil society groups accuse police of colluding with gangs or failing to intervene, fueling perceptions of state-sponsored violence. Hostile political speech, ethnic profiling, and online disinformation campaigns often precede outbreaks of violence. Violence Against Women in Politics Women leaders face physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and digital violence, deterring participation and silencing voices. During the 2022 elections, 2 in 5 women candidates on Twitter faced sexualized abuse, often targeting appearance rather than policy. Women activists and politicians such as Catherine Wanjeri wa Kariuki and Njeri Maina have endured detention, assaults, and intimidation while defending democracy. Key Risks Ahead Weak trust in the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) could spark unrest. Without reforms, women leaders remain disproportionately vulnerable, undermining inclusive democracy. Safeguards Needed Strengthen independent institutions (judiciary, IEBC) to ensure credible elections. Crack down on politically sponsored gangs and hold leaders accountable. Empower media and civil society to counter disinformation and document abuses. Enforce protections against gender-based violence in politics, ensuring women’s safe participation. BBC, Kenya battles to stop the 'goons and guns' as fears of political violence grow