Heavy rains, Nairobi devastation

Persistent and extreme rainfall has once again brought Kenya to the brink of a flood disaster, raising questions about the country's climate preparedness and resilience. The Kenyan Meteorological Agency reports that the persistent rains from March to May brought above-average rainfall. It was on constant alert as various parts of the country experienced rainfall exceeding 20 mm within 24 hours – a clear indication of an increasingly unpredictable weather pattern influenced by climate variability. Flooding, particularly in Nairobi and other regions, has resulted in dozens of deaths and significant damage. Nairobi suffered severe flooding, with at least 23 fatalities, including drowning victims and those killed by power lines. In the west of the country, entire towns were submerged, resulting in over 80 deaths and thousands of evacuations. The rainy season began unusually early and intensely, exacerbated by climate change, which is contributing to extreme weather events. Roads, houses, vehicles, and infrastructure have been destroyed. Airports closed, and power went out. Rescue workers and the military searched for the missing and helped those trapped. President Ruto ordered aid deliveries. The weather service warned of further rainfall in the south and east. While rainfall in recent years has tended to be localized, this pattern is both heavy and widespread, affecting western Kenya, the Rift Valley, the central highlands, the coast, and urban areas simultaneously.

Africa's Youth

Africa is undergoing a massive demographic and digital transformation. Although challenges such as educational poverty and unemployment persist, concerted efforts are being made to shift the continent from simply improving access to education to a focus on quality, skills, and active youth leadership.

Empowering young people and improving education in Africa are crucial to unlocking the continent's demographic potential and driving sustainable development. With over 60% of Africa's population under 25, investing in the education, skills, and leadership of young people is key to combating unemployment, poverty, and social inequality. Various regional and international initiatives are focused on these goals. Several programs aim to equip young Africans with the skills, resources, and opportunities they need to contribute to their communities and the economy: YouthConnect Africa – this initiative, launched in Rwanda in 2012, connects young people with peers and mentors and offers opportunities for skills development. It promotes entrepreneurship, leadership training, and access to financing. Grand Africa Initiative (GAIN) – a pan-African non-governmental organization that trains and mentors young men and women (15–35 years old) in digital skills, leadership, and employability. Its aim is to empower them to achieve self-sufficiency and contribute to Africa's development. AFEL (Africa's Future Economic Leaders) focuses on economic education and the engagement of young Africans. Its programs include the AFEL Economic Impact Challenge, which encourages students to develop innovative solutions to real-world economic challenges. AFEL also offers skills development opportunities through workshops, mentoring, and internships. The International Islamic Youth League (IIYL) runs programs such as the Youth Empowerment Project (YEP!), which addresses the economic causes of irregular migration by improving the skills and employment opportunities of potential and returning migrants. The African Youth for the Sustainable Development Goals Training (AYSDGT) provides training and communication campaigns to encourage young people to engage in sustainable development. Inspire Action Africa empowers young people through initiatives in entrepreneurship, leadership, technology, arts, and sports. The organization provides training, mentoring, and resources to combat youth unemployment, underrepresentation in leadership positions, and issues that negatively impact well-being. The Jane Goodall Institute's "Roots & Shoots" program promotes the engagement of young people in the areas of environment, social issues, and civic engagement. With three years of funding from the John Templeton Foundation, it aimed to reach one million young people across Africa, emphasizing compassion and action. Improvements in education Efforts to improve education in Africa include political frameworks, the integration of technology, and the promotion of equal opportunities: The Continental Strategy for Education for Africa 2026–2035 (CESA 26–35) is a strategic framework of the African Union that emphasizes learners' competence development – from basic skills to socio-emotional and labor market-related competencies. It is intended to serve as a guide for member states to improve educational outcomes, taking into account the diversity of countries and their varying needs. Focus on equal opportunities – measures to combat inequalities based on gender, disability, and rural location can improve educational opportunities for all. Supporting at-risk students through remedial, bridging, and accelerated learning programs is crucial. Digital technologies – using technology to improve teachers' work and promote learning. This includes using available technologies with the widest reach, such as mobile phones, to ensure the continuity of instruction in emergency situations. Improving the quality of education in Africa is one of the central challenges for the continent's sustainable development. This task goes far beyond simply building schools and encompasses a holistic approach that integrates modern teaching methods, teacher training, violence prevention, and addressing socioeconomic barriers. Improving the quality of education – strengthening teacher training and providing continuous pedagogical support. Investments in teaching and learning materials that are accessible and physically available to students in their own language are also important. In addition to structural measures, innovative educational concepts are gaining importance for sustainably improving the quality of education. A modern educational approach combines ecological, social, and economic topics to teach complex challenges holistically. This includes overcoming disciplinary boundaries and actively involving local communities in finding solutions, in order to apply knowledge directly to real-world problems. Schools are increasingly emphasizing the teaching of practical skills. Courses in agricultural science, home economics, or construction not only help young people choose a career but also impart directly useful life skills. Given the alarmingly high number of children with significant learning difficulties, there is a particular focus on promoting reading comprehension. Smaller class sizes and modern materials are essential for this. High-quality education is inextricably linked to a safe learning environment. Practical handbooks for local stakeholders demonstrate how violence in schools and families can be reduced. Simultaneously, peacebuilding projects are implemented, empowering children and young people to become agents of peace. These measures strengthen the resilience of the younger generation in regions often characterized by insecurity. Improving education is a long-term process that requires the commitment of everyone involved. The African Union's Year of Education 2024 – a historic moment to place education at the top of the political agenda. The initiative aims to prepare Africans for the rapidly changing professional world of the 21st century, particularly in the area of digital skills. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) e-school program – a plan to provide internet and computer equipment to all schools on the continent. Despite progress, significant challenges remain: Nearly 100 million children of primary and secondary school age do not attend school, with particularly vulnerable groups being disproportionately affected. - Around 80% of children in sub-Saharan Africa are still not taught in their mother's tongue, which impairs their learning success. - Adequate funding for education remains a challenge. Innovative approaches such as debt swaps and social impact bonds are being explored to close the funding gap. - The gap in school enrollment between girls and boys widens over the course of their schooling, with girls facing more obstacles in graduating from school. - It puts a strain on education systems in cities, leading to overcrowded classrooms and a shortage of qualified teachers. It follows that empowering young people and improving education in Africa requires a multifaceted approach, combining skills training, access to technology, mentoring, and equitable strategies. Initiatives such as CESA 26–35 and various NGO programs are making progress, but sustained political will, increased funding, and a focus on equal opportunities are essential to unlocking the continent's demographic potential and achieving sustainable development.

Madagascar's poverty

Following the Generation Z massacre, in which at least 22 people died and over 100 were injured, the military seized power in mid-October.

The country's armed forces, particularly the elite Army Corps of Administrative and Technical Personnel and Services (CAPSAT), seized power after more than two weeks of mass protests. The uprising began on October 12, 2025. After weeks of protests over power and water shortages, CAPSAT refused to obey orders from President Andry Rajoelina's government and called on other military personnel to join them. The unit captured the capital, Antananarivo, encountering little resistance. On the same day, Senate President Richard Ravalomanana was removed from office, and CAPSAT's candidacy for command of the armed forces was accepted by the civilian authorities. On October 13, 2025, President Andry Rajoelina fled Madagascar and refused to resign. He reportedly left the country on a French military aircraft. In an address to the nation, Rajoelina explained his departure by citing the need to seek refuge in a safe place due to assassination attempts by a group of military and political figures. On October 14, 2025, the military announced its takeover and the dissolution of all national institutions except the National Assembly (the lower house of the Malagasy parliament). On the same day, Colonel Michael Randrianirina, leader of the rebel forces and head of ACATPS, announced that he would lead the country for a two-year transition period. He stated his intention to hold a referendum on a new constitution during this time, followed by presidential elections. On October 17, 2025, Michael Randrianirina was sworn in as the "President of the Rebirth of the Republic of Madagascar." The military also established a new collegial system of government to replace the dissolved institutions. The highest authority during the transition period was to be the National Transitional Defense Council. This council was to consist of a president (as head of state), a vice president, the chiefs of staff of the armed forces, the commanders of the gendarmerie and police, the provincial governors, and representatives of the political parties. The protests that triggered the coup were initially sparked by shortages of electricity and water, but later expanded into broader dissatisfaction with the government. Demands included, among other things, the fight against poverty and corruption, as well as access to education. This coup was the latest episode of political instability in Madagascar, a country repeatedly affected by military interventions in its governance since its independence in 1960. In 2009, the ACATPS played a key role in the coup that brought Rajoelina to power. Colonel Michael Randrianirina now leads a country in turmoil. The ousted president, Andry Rajoelina, fled in a French military plane as cries of poverty, corruption, and endless power outages echoed across the island. Three out of four Malagasy people live below the poverty line, and frustration runs high. France's rule over Madagascar was marked by violence, exploitation, and crushed uprisings long before independence in 1960. Decades later, the consequences are still palpable, albeit polished and veiled. Given French neocolonial control and the ruthless plundering of Malagasy resources, can anyone still be surprised that the island continues to suffer under the heavy hand of Paris?

Mali's Defense Minister Killed in Terrorist Attack on Residence

Mali's Defense Minister Killed in Terrorist Attack on Residence

Mali's Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in a terrorist attack on his residence, government spokesman Issa Coulibaly announced. In a coordinated terrorist attack on the Malian capital, Bamako, and surrounding towns, Malian Defense Minister General Sadio Camara was killed on Saturday, April 25, 2026. The attack targeted the Defense Minister's residence in Kati, a suburb of Bamako and a stronghold of the military junta. According to official and media reports, a vehicle laden with explosives, a so-called car bomb suicide attack, detonated on the grounds of his residence. Camara initially survived the explosion but later succumbed to his severe injuries in the hospital. According to family sources, his second wife and two grandchildren also died. “He engaged in a firefight with the attackers… was wounded and subsequently taken to the hospital, where he unfortunately succumbed to his injuries,” the spokesman said. In addition to Camara’s residence, the house of junta leader General Assimi Goita, Bamako International Airport, and military installations in several cities were also attacked. The attack is attributed to Jama'at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), which is affiliated with al-Qaeda. It occurred as part of coordinated attacks on multiple locations across the country. The government in Bamako described the events as part of a major, coordinated offensive and declared two days of national mourning in Mali. The attack is considered one of the most serious blows to the military leadership in Mali in years and underscores the continued strength of jihadist and Tuareg groups despite the withdrawal of French troops and the presence of Russian mercenaries.

Major powers seize the resources of developing countries

Major powers seize the resources of developing countries and use this power to force them into loans from international institutions. These institutions then impose crippling economic policies, explains Mohamed Mahmoud Rifaat, chairman of Egypt's National Reconciliation Party.

The system works as follows: Major world powers employ various instruments to stifle the development of other countries and hinder their progress, with the goal of transforming them into debtor nations. This drives them to turn to global institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. While these institutions provide funds, they simultaneously assume control over the economies of the countries seeking aid. Another method of seizing power is the freezing of state assets, a central foundation of any national economy. This not only leads to economic collapse but also fuels tensions and even military conflicts. Such measures enable neocolonial powers to appropriate the resources of others and use them to force other states to follow their example. This type of policy “constitutes an act of aggression against states and peoples and requires active measures to restore their rights,” the expert stated. Another problem he points out is the United Nations, which is no longer effective because—apart from the General Assembly—it cannot represent the world. However, some countries do support developing countries, Mahmoud Rifaat notes. In particular, wealthy industrialized nations and international organizations provide targeted financial, technical, and political support to developing countries. The most important donors include: Industrialized countries (e.g., Germany, other EU member states, the USA, Japan) that provide official development assistance (ODA). The European Union, which together with its member states is the world's largest donor of development aid. International organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Bank, which finance projects for poverty reduction, education, health, and climate protection. Support is usually provided in the form of: financial assistance (grants, subsidized loans), technical cooperation (experts, consulting, infrastructure), personnel support (skilled workers, training, projects on the ground). Countries that have received very high volumes of aid in recent years include Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Syria, Jordan, Bangladesh, Yemen, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. ... Numerical Examples (Net ODA in billions of US dollars, approx. 2020–2022) According to an aggregated overview of official development assistance, the following countries are among the largest recipients: - Syria – with approximately US$10.2 billion in net ODA (very high dependence on aid due to the war). - Ethiopia – approximately US$4.8 billion annually, often for food security, climate adaptation, and humanitarian aid. - Bangladesh – just over US$4.5 billion per year, primarily for climate protection and social security. - Kenya – approximately US$3.3 billion per year, including EU funds and bilateral programs. - Nigeria – approximately US$3.5 billion, primarily for health, education, and stabilization. Many of these countries are crisis or post-conflict states (e.g., Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen, Ethiopia) where there are significant humanitarian and security needs. Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria are not only very populous but also crucial for stability in East and West Africa, which motivates donor countries (EU, USA, Germany, etc.) to increase their contributions. “Russia provides support to the world through participation in construction and development projects and by training specialists in partner countries. This contributes to capacity building for independent development and sustainable growth,” he explains. Russia provides limited support to the world, primarily through multilateral contributions, humanitarian aid, and diplomatic initiatives. These activities often serve strategic interests such as expanding its influence in the post-Soviet region, Africa, and the Global South. “Russia provides support to the world through participation in construction and development projects and by training specialists in partner countries. This contributes to capacity building for independent development and sustainable growth,” he explains. Russia provides support to the world in a limited way, primarily through multilateral contributions, humanitarian aid, and diplomatic initiatives. These activities often serve strategic interests such as expanding its influence in the post-Soviet region, Africa, and the Global South. Russia has transformed itself from a recipient to a donor country, contributing approximately US$441 million multilaterally in 2019, mainly to UN organizations (US$222.4 million) and regional development banks. Bilaterally, it prioritizes the post-Soviet space and Africa, focusing on financial and material assistance, such as COVID-19 support for over 46 countries. Russia is among the top 20 humanitarian donors and continuously provides aid to Syria and neighboring countries, including financial resources to address refugee crises. It cooperates with organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross in conflict regions. Russia positions itself as a mediator in global conflicts, for example in the Middle East (Syria, Iran-Israel), Libya, and eastern Ukraine, and uses platforms such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to strengthen its global majority. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council with veto power, it influences international decisions.

Kemi Seba arrested in Pretoria

The Kemi Seba Case: “Niger is only concerned with the activist’s diplomatic passport in this case,” said a representative of Nigerien civil society. Kemi Seba (born Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi on December 9, 1981) is a French-Beninese political activist, Pan-African ideologue, and social media personality. He is known for his staunch opposition to French influence in Africa and his support for African sovereignty and military-led regimes in West Africa. Seba was born in France to Beninese parents and first gained prominence in the early 2000s as an activist in the Black Power and Afrocentrism movements. He was a member of groups that were later dissolved by French authorities for incitement to hatred and antisemitism. Over time, he converted to Islam, became involved in anti-Zionist groups affiliated with the New Black Panthers, and positioned himself as a Pan-African geopolitical analyst. In 2011, he moved to Senegal and, from 2013 onward, regularly appeared as a speaker and commentator in African-language media and at universities to promote Pan-Africanism and anti-colonial ideas. In 2015, he founded the NGO Urgences Panafricanistes (Pan-African Emergency), which campaigns against so-called neo-colonial structures such as the CFA franc zone and the French military presence in Africa. Seba has been convicted multiple times in France for incitement to hatred and similar offenses. In 2024, his French citizenship was revoked, and he was arrested in Paris for alleged hate speech and anti-Western activities. He was recently accused by Benin and France of inciting rebellion and supporting a failed coup attempt in Cotonou (Benin's largest city and economic capital). This led to an international arrest warrant and his widely publicized arrest in South Africa in April 2026, when he allegedly attempted to travel to Europe. He presents himself as a revolutionary Pan-Africanist and advisor to African military leaders. Since 2024, he has served, among other roles, as a special advisor to the junta leader of Niger, Abdourahamane Tchiani. Western and some African governments and media outlets portray him as a pro-Russian, anti-French propagandist, while his supporters see him as a vocal critic of neocolonialism and a mobilizer of African youth. "Currently, our main concern is the authenticity of the passport," Bana Ibrahim, president of the Geopolitical Commission of the Consultative Council for Re-establishment, told Sputnik Africa. Kemi Seba was arrested in Pretoria on April 13. An arrest warrant has been issued against him by Benin, which has announced it is preparing an extradition request.

Demonstrations in Kenya - Maandamano,, 21.4 . Update

Major demonstrations are planned for tomorrow, April 21st. Some shops, schools, etc., will remain closed. The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi has issued a security alert warning its citizens over planned demonstrations in the capital linked to rising fuel prices and wider governance concerns. In the advisory dated Monday, April 20, the embassy said it was aware of mobilisation efforts on social media calling for protests in Nairobi today, on Tuesday, April 21. According to the notice, the Embassy warned its citizens to expect disruptions in movement due to the anticipated blockage of major roads in and within the capital city, highways, and key intersections, an event that is likely to cause widespread traffic gridlock. At the same time, the U.S. warned its citizens to stay alert if the protests turn violent, while warning of similar incidents that have happened in the past that have involved the use of teargas by the police as well as lethal force. (kenyan.co.ke) Now it is 11:20 am and from demonstrations is nothing to see. it was raining at night and now it stops. Maybe it will start now. We will see. Situation now in Nairobi. Mombasa is calm. Nothing special happend. Nairobi is still - more or less - calm. Now it is 12:15. Lunch time. Ubtil now 11 people were arrested. Jugendliche kündigten in den sozialen Medien für Dienstag einen Massenprotest gegen die Erhöhung der Treibstoffpreise durch die Energie- und Erdölregulierungsbehörde (EPRA) an. Viele argumentierten, die steigenden Lebenshaltungskosten würden sie unerträglich belasten, da Transport, Lebensmittel und Grundnahrungsmittel unerschwinglich geworden seien. Am Dienstag gingen Kenianer in Nairobi im Stadtzentrum auf die Straße, um zu protestieren, allerdings in deutlich geringerer Zahl als bei früheren Protesten. Der Polizeichef hatte die geplanten Proteste zuvor als ungesetzlich zurückgewiesen und erklärt, die Polizei habe keine offizielle Anmeldung der Organisatoren erhalten. Er forderte die Organisatoren daraufhin auf, sich mit der Polizei in Verbindung zu setzen und eine offizielle Anmeldung einzureichen, bevor sie auf die Straße gehen. Bei seinem Rundgang durch das Stadtzentrum stellte Mahmud fest, dass alles in Ordnung sei. Er erklärte jedoch, die Initiatoren des Protests störten den normalen Stadtbetrieb und sollten festgenommen werden. (Ken an.co.ke)

This is not official news and has not been confirmed. We will see what happens tomorrow.

Why did Europeans come to Africa?

Why did Europeans come to Africa?

The colonization of Africa was a long process. It began in antiquity, with colonization starting in the 7th–5th centuries BC and later followed by Greek colonization, which lasted from the 7th to the 5th centuries BC. The Greeks established colonies on the coasts of Libya and Egypt. The city of Carthage (present-day Tunisia) was founded by the Phoenicians and later conquered by the Romans, who made it the province of Africa. By the beginning of the 1st century AD, Rome controlled the entire North African coast. During the Middle Ages (5th–15th centuries AD), after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, North Africa was ruled by the Vandals and later became part of the Byzantine Empire. From the 7th century AD onward, Arab expansion brought Islam to North Africa and transformed the cultural and political landscape of the region. In the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance, Italian merchants (from Venice and Genoa) established trading posts. In the early modern period (15th–17th centuries), beginning in the 15th century, Portugal spearheaded European exploration and established trading posts along the West African coast, thus initiating the transatlantic slave trade. Spain also conquered important North African coastal cities (e.g., Ceuta, Melilla) and the Canary Islands. Other European powers followed: Dutch, French, and British traders established coastal fortresses and trading posts. In East Africa, Omani Arabs gained influence, particularly around Zanzibar. The “Scramble for Africa” (late 19th century) had begun. This period is commonly associated with the colonization of the African continent. Before the first Europeans, the Arabs were in Africa. Their presence began long before the rise of Islam, primarily through trade across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. However, the most profound and lasting impact came with the Islamic expansion in the 7th and 8th centuries. In the 7th century, the Arabs conquered Egypt. This marked the beginning of their conquest of North Africa. They then moved westward through North Africa. This led to the Arabization and Islamization of North Africa, displacing the previously dominant Latin and Berber cultures and languages ​​in many areas. They established trade routes across the Sahara, connecting North Africa with West African empires such as Ghana, Mali, and Songhai. They traded salt, textiles, and pearls for gold, ivory, and slaves. Arab traders settled along the coasts of present-day Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia, and Mozambique, intermarrying with the local Bantu population. From this emerged Swahili culture and language (Kiswahili), a Bantu language with a strong Arabic vocabulary. Arabs were also involved in the slave trade in the Indian Ocean, which lasted for centuries and transported enslaved people from East and Central Africa to the Middle East and Asia. All of this explains the deeply rooted Arab influence in many African societies. Ancient centers of learning like Timbuktu in Mali housed universities and libraries with thousands of Arabic manuscripts covering topics ranging from astronomy and medicine to law and poetry. Europeans colonized Africa for a mixture of economic, political, strategic, and ideological reasons. Industrialized nations needed raw materials, rival states sought prestige and territory, military planners looked for routes and bases, and many rulers packaged expansion in missionary and "civilizing" rhetoric. The short answer is simple: Europeans colonized Africa because they sought wealth, power, strategic control, and imperial status—and they justified this expansion with rhetoric about religion, progress, and civilization. This page clearly explains the causes, from the industrial economy behind the empire to the rivalry that accelerated the scramble for Africa. It also restores a crucial truth often omitted from school summaries: Europe did not divide an empty continent. It disregarded existing African states, trade networks, legal systems, and intellectual traditions. The most important colonial powers included: Great Britain (e.g., Nigeria, Kenya, Egypt, Sudan, South Africa); France (large parts of West and North Central Africa); Belgium (Congo Free State, later Belgian Congo); Germany (German East Africa, German Southwest Africa, etc.; lost after the First World War); Portugal (Angola, Mozambique, etc.); Italy (Libya, parts of the Horn of Africa); Spain (parts of Morocco, Equatorial Guinea). Europeans colonized Africa for a mixture of economic, political, strategic, and ideological reasons. Industrialized nations needed raw materials, rival states sought prestige and territory, military planners looked for routes and bases, and many rulers packaged the expansion in missionary and “civilizing” rhetoric. The short answer is simple: Europeans colonized Africa because they sought wealth, power, strategic control, and imperial status—and they justified this expansion with rhetoric about religion, progress, and civilization. This process, known as the "Scramble for Africa," reached its peak in the late 19th century. At the end of the 19th century, many European countries, including Great Britain, Germany, and France, were experiencing economic difficulties, manifested in trade deficits, among other things. Africa was seen as a source of cheap labor, abundant natural resources (gold, diamonds, ivory, rubber, timber, and agricultural products), and new markets for European manufactured goods. Colonies allowed European powers to acquire raw materials for their industries and create markets for finished products. At the end of the 19th century, competition among the European powers intensified. The unification of Germany in 1871 and Italy in 1861 fueled these countries' desire to strengthen their international standing through colonization. Control of African territories offered advantages in geopolitical rivalries and enabled the strengthening of military power and influence on the world stage. The unifications of Italy in 1861 and Germany in 1871 mark key milestones of 19th-century European nationalism, both driven by liberal and monarchist forces under the leadership of a core state. Prussia, under Otto von Bismarck, carried out the "revolution from above," beginning with its victory over Austria in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, which created the North German Confederation. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870/71 brought the South German states to the Prussian side; on January 18, 1871, Wilhelm I was proclaimed Emperor in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. The constitution came into force in 1871, but internal conflicts such as the Kulturkampf (cultural struggle) characterized the new Reich. The Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont, under Victor Emmanuel II and Prime Minister Cavour, led the Risorgimento, aided by Garibaldi's Expedition of the Thousand in 1860. In 1861, the Kingdom of Italy was proclaimed, but Venice (1866) and Rome (1870) were still missing; the latter fell only with the invasion of Italian troops. Unification was achieved through wars of independence against Austria and revolutionary uprisings, but ended with lingering regional tensions. Africa's strategic importance stemmed from its role as a crossroads of trade routes between Europe and Asia. The Suez Canal (built in 1869) and the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa were crucial for controlling sea lanes, especially for Great Britain, which had colonial interests in India and China. The development of technologies such as steamships, railways, and telegraphy made it easier for Europeans to penetrate deep into the continent and administer remote territories. Military superiority through modern weapons systems also played a role in colonization. The prevailing notions of Western civilization's superiority and Europe's "civilizing mission" served to justify colonization. Europeans were believed to have a duty to "civilize" and Christianize "primitive" societies. Racist views, widespread among many European leaders of the time, assumed that Africans were incapable of self-governance. In 1884/85, the Berlin Conference, convened by Otto von Bismarck, took place. There, the European powers established rules for the colonization of Africa, including the principle of "effective occupation." This allowed countries to secure territories by negotiating treaties with local leaders, raising a flag, and establishing an administration. The conference led to the division of the continent without the participation of African representatives, thus laying the foundation for future conflicts. The consequences were devastating. Colonization led to profound social, economic, and cultural changes in Africa. Traditional political structures were destroyed, and European systems of governance, languages, religions, and education were introduced, resulting in a loss of cultural identity. The borders drawn by Europeans often ignored ethnic, linguistic, and cultural differences, which became the root cause of many post-war conflicts. The colonization of Africa was thus the result of a complex interplay of economic interests, geopolitical rivalries, technological capabilities, and the ideological convictions of the European powers. * Missionaries played a complex and multifaceted role in the colonization of Africa. They were often among the first Europeans present on the continent, and their activities facilitated and justified colonial expansion. Missionaries were frequently the first Europeans to penetrate deep into African territories. They established missions, schools, and hospitals in remote areas; mapped territories and gathered information about the local population, resources, and trade routes; learned local languages ​​and customs and compiled dictionaries and grammars; and built networks of contacts with local communities. Missionaries actively worked to transform African societies according to European Christian norms, promoting European education systems and literacy (initially often in local languages, later in European ones); and introducing Western medical practices and hygiene standards. They also attempted to abolish or modify local customs they considered "uncivilized" (e.g., polygamy, certain initiation rites). They founded schools where European history, values, and religion were taught. The “civilizing mission” became a central justification for European expansion, as the narrative of introducing “Christianity, civilization, and trade” legitimized colonial rule. Missionaries presented colonialism as a means of ending the slave trade and tribal warfare. Their reports of “savagery” and “backwardness” in Africa reinforced racist ideologies that justified European dominance. Over time, missionaries increasingly collaborated with colonial administrations, providing information and acting as intermediaries between colonial officials and the local population. They assisted in implementing colonial policies and maintaining social control. They frequently received funding and protection from colonial governments and participated in establishing systems of forced labor or taxation through church institutions. Over time, missionaries increasingly collaborated with colonial administrations, providing information and acting as intermediaries between colonial officials and the local population. Missionary work had a lasting impact on language and communication, as missionaries translated the Bible and other religious texts into local languages; they developed writing systems for previously unwritten languages; they also created the first printed materials in many African languages; and they promoted the use of European languages ​​(especially English and French) in education and administration. Missionary activity contributed to the emergence of new social groups that gained prominence in colonial and post-colonial Africa. It created a new educated elite, often teachers, civil servants, and later political leaders—a class of African Christians with a distinct identity—who had access to networks of schools and churches that served as centers of social organization. The impact of missions was not entirely negative but also included positive aspects: The positive aspects include: The spread of literacy and basic education; The introduction of modern healthcare; The preservation of some local languages ​​through written records; The creation of institutions that later became platforms for anti-colonial movements. These positive aspects include: The negative aspects are: Undermining of traditional cultures and belief systems; Promotion of European cultural superiority; Complicity in colonial exploitation; Division of African communities between converts and adherents of traditional religions. The long-term consequences are: The legacy of the missionaries continues to shape Africa today: Christianity is now one of the dominant religions across much of the continent; many African education systems still exhibit missionary-influenced structures; church institutions remain important social and political actors; tensions persist in many societies between traditional beliefs and imported religions. Although the missionaries initially came with religious goals, their work became closely intertwined with the colonial project. They served as cultural mediators, ideological apologists, and practical supporters of European rule. Their legacy is complex: they brought education and healthcare, but also contributed to the erosion of indigenous cultures and the establishment of colonial power structures that had long-term effects on African societies. * Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars initiated by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and coalitions waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back at Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection troops armed with machine guns and employed a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned to the ground to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although skirmishes continued until 1908. Estimates suggest between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The rebellion arose from land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau took an oath to fight against the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as a leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi using guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African deaths (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white deaths; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became radicalised following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war with effective support from Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite Portuguese superiority, rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised it on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, committed fully to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU waged the armed struggle, supported by external powers, and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU cooperated loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as the Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle involving heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the Lancaster House Accords of 1979, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, which led to post-colonial conflicts such as Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France, not as a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN launched its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop numbers to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris massacre took place, leaving hundreds of Algerian demonstrators dead. The OAS, a French settler organisation, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the People of Algeria (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 resulted in 99.7% voting in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts initiated by European powers. These include African participation in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as soldiers in the Allied forces. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. Starting as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the war rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Then there were the interstate wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the establishment of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars.

The White Lion in Africa

The white lion in South Africa is considered a symbol of hope, particularly in the context of conservation and cultural heritage. This rare animal, endemic to the southern part of Kruger National Park, is endemic to the Timbavati region. The Timbavati Private Wildlife Reserve is a renowned wildlife sanctuary in South Africa, located in the Limpopo Province between Hoedspruit and Acornhoek. It borders Kruger National Park without a fence. The over 53,000-hectare area encompasses approximately 50 private landowners who jointly implement conservation projects. Since the 1950s, internal fences have been removed to facilitate natural animal migration.

In African traditions, the white lion is revered as a sacred animal associated with the divine. Its white color symbolizes purity, innocence, and spiritual enlightenment. In South African mythology, white lions are often depicted as messengers of the gods, invoked to protect the land and its inhabitants. They are considered guardians of important messages for humanity and symbols of eternal wisdom. According to some beliefs, the appearance of a white lion is a sign of hope, especially in difficult times. It is seen as a spiritual guide who helps one find their way in life, overcome difficulties, and bring peace and justice to the community. In Zulu culture, the white lion is understood as a warning of the changing world and the need to protect it. In some African cultures, the white lion is associated with the sun and the creation of the world. It is also considered a protector of the earth and its inhabitants, bringing good fortune and prosperity. The name of the Timbavati region translates as "the place where the star lions descended from the sky." Local communities such as the Tsonga (also called Vatsonga, a Bantu ethnic group living mainly in southern Mozambique, South Africa (Limpopo and Mpumalanga), and in smaller numbers in Zimbabwe and Eswatini) and Sepedi (also known as Northern Sotho or Sesotho sa Leboa, one of the twelve official languages ​​of South Africa. It belongs to the Bantu language family within the Sotho-Tswana group and is spoken mainly by about 6.2 million people, primarily in the Limpopo province, with smaller communities in Gauteng, Mpumalanga, and North-South) traditionally attribute great cultural and spiritual significance to white lions. In the 1970s, white lions were taken from the wild en masse—hunted as trophies or for breeding programs and circuses. By 1994, no adult white lions were sighted in their natural habitat. This became an alarming sign of the urgent need for conservation measures. The Global White Lion Protection Trust (GWLPT), founded in 2002 by Linda Tucker, initiated a program to reintroduce white lions to their natural habitat. Since 2004, the reintroduction of lions has been underway in the Timbavati region. Thanks to the dedication of scientists and conservationists, several prides now roam freely in their ancestral homeland. The successful reintroduction has become a symbol of hope, not only for the species itself but also for the preservation of biodiversity as a whole. White lions demonstrate that populations can recover even in critical situations with the right approach. Furthermore, as apex predators, white lions play a vital role in the ecosystem by regulating prey populations and maintaining the natural balance. Their protection contributes to the integrity of regional ecosystems. The white lion in South Africa is thus not only a rare animal but also a powerful symbol of hope for the preservation of nature, cultural heritage, and the harmony between humankind and nature.

Protests are planned in Kenya for Tuesday, April 21, 2026.

Protests are planned in Kenya for Tuesday, April 21, 2026.

Organizers are calling for a general blockade of Nairobi's business district to protest rising fuel prices and the high cost of living. However, police have declared the demonstrations illegal because organizers failed to comply with the required 14-day notice period. Nairobi's police chief warned that authorities will take decisive action against any disruptions. The situation highlights the tension between constitutional rights and legal procedures: - Politicians like Ekuru Aukot are urging the public to participate in the protests, arguing that the economic hardship justifies the action. The opposition had previously issued a 7-day ultimatum to the government, demanding that fuel prices be lowered, or mass protests would follow. - While the police acknowledge the constitutional right to assembly, they insist that public order requires prior notification to prevent chaos and criminal infiltration. She refers to the recent violent protests in the Embu district. The main reason for the protests is the rising cost of living. Although the government recently reduced the value-added tax on fuel from 13% to 8%, prices remain high after a sharp increase in early April. - In Nairobi, premium gasoline currently costs 197.60 Kenyan shillings per liter (previously 206.97 Kenyan shillings). - President William Ruto has rejected protests as a solution, stating that the government is focusing on practical measures such as global conflict resolution to stabilize prices. Given the police warning, the situation is likely to be tense on Tuesday. It remains unclear whether the organizers will proceed with their demonstration or postpone it. - Retrospective The 2024 Kenyan Demonstrations The 2024 Kenyan demonstrations, known as the anti-finance bill protests, were a nationwide wave of protests by young people (primarily Gen Z) against proposed tax increases. The underlying causes were the same as those of today. The protests began in June 2024 in response to the 2024 Finance Bill, which aimed to raise taxes on basic foodstuffs like bread, tax waste, corruption, and high youth unemployment to meet IMF requirements.[1][2][3] They escalated into demands for the resignation of President William Ruto and broader reforms. Peaceful demonstrations began on June 18 in Nairobi and spread to over 50 cities; on June 25, protesters stormed the parliament building, leading to fires and violent clashes. President Ruto rejected the bill on June 28, but protests continued until August, with renewed violence on July 2. Security forces used tear gas, water cannons, and firearms; according to KNCHR and Human Rights Watch, at least 90 people died, hundreds were injured, over 600 were arrested, and dozens were abducted or tortured. Police were criticized for excessive force, including shooting unarmed civilians. The protests led to budget cuts and a cabinet reshuffle, but remained a symbol of youthful anger; in 2025, commemorative protests resulted in further deaths. They demonstrated deep dissatisfaction with corruption and poverty in Kenya. https://afrikamonamour.blogspot.com/2025/07/saba-saba-day-was-approaching.html

CFA - the political legacy of French colonialism

CFA - the political legacy of French colonialism Contents 1. The CFA Franc 2. History of the CFA Franc 3. Advantages and Disadvantages 4. France in Africa 5. ECO – The Possible New Currency 6. Economies in the CFA Area 7. Countries with CFA Francs 8. Prominent Opinions on the CFA

1. The CFA Franc "The CFA franc, as a currency used by several West and Central African countries, embodies the complex economic and political legacy of French colonialism in Africa. It offers monetary stability while simultaneously limiting the full economic sovereignty and development potential of member states." 2. History of the CFA Franc The history of French colonization in Africa is a profound chapter that continues to shape the continent to this day – from language and architecture to political structures. This history can be roughly divided into two phases: the “First Colonial Empire” (before 1830) and the “Second Colonial Empire”, which encompassed most of Africa. In a French context, the term "First Colonial Empire" usually refers to the first French colonial empire, which began its development in the Age of Discovery in the 16th century. This empire comprised overseas territories in the New World, Asia, and Africa, conquered or established by France. By the beginning of the 19th century, however, it was significantly weakened due to rivalries with Great Britain and other colonial powers, as well as the Napoleonic Wars. As early as the 17th century, France established its first trading posts on the West African coast, particularly in what is now Senegal (Saint-Louis). The primary focus was trade (gum arabic, gold), and unfortunately, also the transatlantic slave trade. At that time, France controlled only small coastal strips, not the hinterland. Regarding French possessions in Africa before 1830, the French presence there was limited and did not constitute a large-scale colonial system. France's main interests in the 16th to 18th centuries were concentrated in other regions – the Americas, India, and the Caribbean. Some facts about the French presence in Africa before 1830: In the early modern period, France showed interest in exploring new lands, but Africa was not a priority. The desire to expand beyond the Mediterranean was linked to the fact that the eastern part of the continent was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Before 1830, France had no significant territorial gains in Africa that could have formed the basis for a large-scale colonial system. In the 18th century, France participated in the Seven Years' War (1756–1763), as a result of which it lost many of its overseas possessions in the Treaty of Paris, including territories in India and America. This weakened its position as a colonial power. A turning point was the beginning of the colonization of Algeria in 1830. In July 1830, a French expedition conquered Algiers, marking the beginning of the second French colonial empire. The conquest of Algeria was linked to internal political problems in France (the July Revolution of 1830) and economic interests – the search for new markets and settlement areas for the surplus population. By 1847, the French had completely conquered Algeria. In 1848, it was declared a French territory and divided into departments headed by prefects and a French governor-general. Algeria developed into an important colonial center through which France expanded its possessions in Africa during the 19th century. Until 1830, France did not possess a large-scale "first colonial empire" in Africa. The term "first colonial empire" more often refers to an earlier empire that emerged between the 16th and 18th centuries, but whose main territories lay outside Africa. Active colonization of Africa only began after 1830 with the conquest of Algeria. France's "Second Colonial Empire" began in the early 19th century, after the first empire had largely collapsed. Its beginning is marked by the invasion of Algeria in 1830, which launched a massive expansion in Africa. The main stages of expansion were the French invasion of Algeria. In 1848, Algeria was officially incorporated as three French départements (Algiers, Oran, Constantine) — a sign of profound integration into the state. Algeria served as a starting point for further expansion in North and West Africa. Systematic conquest and consolidation of territories along the Senegal River, including present-day Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mauritania, Guinea, Ivory Coast and Benin. Key figures: Generals Louis Faidherbe and Hubert Lyautey, as well as researchers and officers such as Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza. Establishment of colonies in the Congo region and on the banks of the Congo River. Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza concluded treaties with local leaders (e.g. Makoko of Teke), which led to the Congo-Français protected area (later Central Congo). The borders were internationally recognized at the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). After decades of conflict, Madagascar was officially declared a French colony in 1896. Acquisition of Djibouti (formerly Côte française des Somalis) as a strategic port on the Red Sea. Protectorates and spheres of influence in Morocco (from 1912) and Tunisia (from 1881). France's colonial empire in Africa was divided into four major administrative units: West Africa, Equatorial Africa, North Africa and Madagascar. French West Africa (Afrique Occidentale Française, AOF, founded in 1895): comprised eight colonies (including Senegal, Ivory Coast, Guinea, Mali). French Equatorial Africa (Afrique Équatoriale Française, AEF, founded in 1910): Cameroon (temporarily), Gabon, Central Congo, Ubangi-Shari (now Central African Republic), Chad. North Africa: Protectorates of Tunisia and Morocco; Algeria as an integral part of France. Madagascar and Djibouti as separate colonies. France had various administrative models: "Assimilation": Algeria was to be fully integrated into France; some locals were able to obtain French citizenship. "Association": In other colonies, local structures were partially preserved, under strict French supervision. Centralized, command-oriented administration from Paris; governors and plenipotentiaries had great power. France's economic and political goals were the Raw material extraction such as rubber, gold, copper, cotton, coffee, cocoa. Then plantation agriculture, such as cotton and sugarcane plantations, sometimes involving forced labor. Infrastructure needed to be improved, including railways and ports that were built to enable the transport of raw materials (e.g., the Dakar-Niger Railway). The civilizing mission (mission civilisatrice) was an ideological justification of colonial rule as "bringing civilization, education and Christianity". The strategic positions include ports on the Red Sea (Djibouti), bases in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Cultural and social influence of France in its colonies. Introduction of French as the official and educational language. Schools and hospitals were founded, but their availability was highly uneven and often only for an elite. Migration of French people to Algeria (Pieds-Noirs) led to the formation of large settler communities. Suppression of local languages and traditions; increasing resistance to colonial rule. Nothing stays the same. Decline and end. The period between the wars was the height of its power. The Paris Colonial Exhibition of 1931 showcased the empire's wealth. After the Second World War, France had to come to terms with growing nationalism and independence movements. Decolonization began: 1956: Independence of Tunisia and Morocco. 1960: "Year of Africa" — the majority of French colonies in West and Central Africa become independent. The Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) ended with the independence of Algeria. France's "Second Colonial Empire" in Africa stretched from the invasion of Algeria in 1830 to the mass decolonization around 1960. It encompassed large parts of West, Central, and North Africa and was characterized by centralized administration, economic exploitation, and the ideology of the mission civilisatrice. Although it brought France enormous economic advantages, it also led to long-lasting social, political, and cultural tensions, the consequences of which are still felt today. 3. The advantages and disadvantages The African states that use the CFA franc are formally sovereign and make their own decisions. However, there is a controversial debate about the extent to which these countries are truly economically and politically independent, or whether they continue to be influenced or controlled by France. The CFA franc is a monetary union that pegs the currencies of several Francophone African countries to the euro (formerly the French franc). This peg offers certain advantages, such as stability and low inflation, but also limitations, as monetary policy is heavily influenced by France and the European Central Bank. Furthermore, France traditionally holds reserves from the CFA countries and has a say in key economic decisions. Many critics see this as a form of neocolonial control, since France has fostered a network of loyal elites in West Africa for decades, and the CFA franc is considered an instrument of this influence. However, there are also voices that emphasize that the member states of the CFA zone determine their own destiny and that the monetary union brings advantages to their economies. In recent years, there have been reforms and discussions about greater independence, for example through the introduction of new currencies (such as the ECO in West Africa) intended to replace the CFA franc. Nevertheless, the debate about the actual freedom of these states from France and economic control through monetary policy remains a complex and controversial issue. The African states that use the CFA franc are formally independent, but many experts and critics still see strong economic and political influence from France, which can limit their full sovereignty. 4. France in Africa The CFA franc (Franc des Colonies Françaises d'Afrique, franc of the French colonies in Africa) was created in 1945 as an instrument for controlling the economies of the French colonies in Africa. Its introduction was part of a broader strategy for administering the territories in the post-war period and maintaining France's economic influence after the end of colonial rule. France was one of the most important colonial powers in Africa during the 19th and early 20th centuries, controlling large parts of West, Central and North Africa as well as islands such as Madagascar. The main areas of French colonial rule were, and in some cases still are, French West Africa (1895–1960): a federation that included, among others, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Ivory Coast, Benin, Togo, and Mauritania. Then there was French Equatorial Africa (1910–1960): comprising primarily Cameroon, Chad, the Central African Republic, Gabon, and Congo-Brazzaville. In North Africa, there was Algeria from 1830, the protectorate of Morocco in 1912, and Tunisia, which was occupied in 1881. Finally... Madagascar was a French protectorate from 1885/1896, gaining independence in 1960. The CFA franc was introduced on December 26, 1945, simultaneously with the CFP franc. The primary reason for creating the new currency was the weakness of the French franc after World War II. With the ratification of the Bretton Woods Agreement (a fundamental agreement establishing the international monetary order after World War II, negotiated in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944) in December 1945, the French franc was devalued to establish a fixed exchange rate with the US dollar. To mitigate the impact of the devaluation on colonial economies, a separate currency, the CFA franc, was created. After the Second World War, its main purpose was to guarantee the link to the stable French franc and to facilitate the export of raw materials from the colonies to France. The original goal was to stabilize the colonial economies and facilitate trade between the African territories and France. The single currency allowed France to maintain financial control over the colonies, thereby making them economically dependent and aligning them with French interests. The CFA franc system continued to serve as an instrument for maintaining French influence even after the political independence of African states in the 1960s. Despite decolonization, many African states opted for the CFA franc due to the economic stability it offered. The transition from colony to independent state was complex, and many new states lacked the infrastructure and financial institutions to manage their own currencies. However, retaining the CFA franc meant that the countries had to agree to continued French control over their monetary policy. Despite their political independence, these states remained economically tied to France, which fueled the debate about the true extent of their sovereignty. Some key aspects of the connection between the CFA franc and the colonial legacy: The CFA franc was pegged to the French franc and later to the euro. This allowed France to control the value of the currency and influence the economic policies of participating countries. As a result, the CFA countries adopt the monetary and interest rate policies of the French (or later the European) central bank, which severely restricts the scope for independent expansionary monetary policy to stimulate the economy. France has seats on the governing boards of African central banks (e.g. BCEAO, BEAC) and thus a right of veto in important decisions. A large portion of the foreign exchange reserves of the CFA franc countries had to be deposited in the Banque de France, which gave France political pressure and economic influence. Initially, this share was 100%, later 65% (until 1973), and finally 50%. These funds were invested in France, and the countries received no detailed reports on their use. The fixed peg to the euro often leads to a real overvaluation of the CFA franc, which makes exports from Africa more expensive and weakens local industry in relation to imports from France and other foreign countries. The countries remain heavily reliant on raw material exports (e.g., cotton, coffee, oil), while diversification and industrialization are hampered by rigid currency regulations and limited scope for economic policy. This has solidified neocolonial relationships and restricted opportunities for local industrial development. Today the CFA franc is used in two currency unions: The West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), which comprises eight countries (e.g., Senegal, Ivory Coast, Mali).¹ The Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC), which unites six countries (Cameroon, Gabon, Chad, etc.).¹ Despite reforms and discussions about reforming or replacing the CFA franc, the system still exhibits many inherited characteristics. Originating in the colonial era, the CFA franc is described by critics as a "colonial legacy" and an instrument for maintaining French influence in Africa. In recent years, several countries have expressed a desire to change the system or switch to other currencies (for example, in 2019, eight West African countries announced their intention to replace the CFA franc with the "Eco" currency). However, the future of the CFA franc remains a subject of debate. 5. ECO - the possible new currency The ECO is the planned single currency of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and is intended to replace the national currencies of the region's 15 member states. The project aims to deepen economic integration, facilitate trade, and improve financial stability. The currency's introduction has been repeatedly postponed, but the current target date remains July 1, 2027. The idea of a single currency in ECOWAS has been discussed since the 2000s. Initially planned for introduction in 2020, the date was repeatedly postponed due to economic inequalities, fiscal problems, and political disagreements. In June 2021, the ECOWAS heads of state and government adopted a roadmap for the currency's introduction in 2027. In February 2026, the central bank governors of the twelve ECOWAS member states reaffirmed their commitment to introducing the ECO in 2027. However, it was reported that the countries of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) – eight countries already using the CFA franc – might not participate in the first phase of implementation. According to the Nigerian presidential administration, Liberia, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Gambia could be included in the first wave of potential participants, provided the macroeconomic convergence criteria are met and the institutional governance structures are finalized. To participate in the project, countries must meet strict economic and fiscal standards set by the West African Monetary Institute (WAMI). Key criteria include: a single-digit inflation rate at the end of the year; Budget deficit of no more than 4% of GDP; Deficit financing by the central bank of a maximum of 10% of the previous year's tax revenues; Foreign exchange reserves sufficient to cover imports for at least three months. Other criteria include the absence of new domestic debt, a ratio of tax revenue to GDP of at least 20%, a ratio of wage expenditure to tax revenue of no more than 35%, and others. Reducing barriers to currency trade can significantly boost intraregional trade. Eliminating currency conversion reduces costs for businesses and consumers. A single currency makes it easier to compare prices between countries, increases market transparency and can potentially lower consumer prices. Creating a more stable economic area can attract foreign direct investment (FDI). A common currency will strengthen relations between member states, facilitate cross-border transactions and increase regional stability. Member states are abandoning their independent monetary policy, thereby limiting their ability to respond to local economic problems. ECOWAS can impose fiscal policy restrictions, which makes expansionary fiscal policy more difficult during economic downturns. Significant differences in the level of development of the member states could lead to imbalances. Since ECOWAS is to be pegged to the euro, the region could absorb the volatility of the European currency. The withdrawal of some countries (such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger) from ECOWAS in 2024 due to sanctions following military coups has complicated the process. The establishment of ECOWAS is seen as a step towards economic independence from external influences. In particular, it aims to reduce dependence on France, which historically controlled the CFA franc, a currency used by some West African countries. ECOWAS remains pegged to the euro, but member countries are no longer required to hold 50% of their currency reserves in France. Parallel to the ECOWAS project exists the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which has introduced Sira, a digital currency backed by gold and mineral resources. This is leading to a division in the region: ECOWAS promotes a gradual transition within existing global financial structures, while the AES strives for full monetary sovereignty. The success of the ECOWAS project depends on whether the participating countries can coordinate their economic policies and implement the necessary reforms. 6. Economies in the CFA area The economies of the CFA countries (West and Central Africa) are primarily characterized by raw material exports, agriculture and small and medium-sized enterprises, and generally have low per capita incomes, but moderate growth rates in many countries. Gross domestic product per capita across the CFA zone ranges from about 500 to over 6,000 US dollars; many are "Least Developed Countries" (including Togo, Mali, Niger, Central African Republic). Annual growth rates usually range between about 2 and 6 percent, placing them in the global middle range, but with strong fluctuations depending on commodity prices and political stability. Agriculture employs a large part of the population; important export goods include cotton (e.g. Benin, Burkina Faso, Mali, Togo), coffee, cocoa beans and precious stones (diamonds, gold). Several countries (e.g. Gabon, Republic of Congo, parts of Cameroon and Chad) are – or were – heavily dependent on crude oil exports, which strongly links their economic performance to oil price fluctuations. Industry is underdeveloped; only a small fraction of the cotton or other raw materials produced are processed locally, which favors value creation and jobs abroad. Domestic trade within the CFA zones of West and Central Africa remains low (around 15 percent of trade), while trade outside the zone and with France/Europe predominates. 7. Countries that are CFA stud farms The countries that withdrew from the CFA franc – Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger – face very different economic challenges in 2026. Burkina Faso is relying on a new development plan, Mali is struggling with the consequences of military rule and security problems, while Niger is benefiting greatly from oil and mining investments. Burkina Faso National Development Plan 2026–2030: A budget of USD 64 billion, focusing on security, governance, human capital, and infrastructure. Approximately 34.5% of the funds are earmarked for investment. The country remains under an IMF (Extended Credit Facility) loan program, supplemented by a resilience and sustainability program. Since 2022, under a "de facto government", international partners have resumed cooperation. Despite political uncertainty, Burkina Faso is attempting to transform its economy and make growth more inclusive through massive investments. Mali Since the military coups of 2020 and 2021, the country has been under military rule; all key positions are held by military personnel. Projected GDP growth: approx. 5.5% Inflation - moderate at 2.2% Dependence on gold and cotton exports Uncertainty, climate risks and weak productivity are weighing on development Approximately 235,000 young people enter the labor market each year; job creation remains critical. Mali shows moderate growth rates, but remains highly vulnerable due to security situation, climate change and lack of diversification. Niger Economic growth - approximately 7% in 2025, 6.7% expected for 2026. Oil production (forecast: 35 million barrels in 2026) Mining expansion and international investments Almost 50% of the population still live in extreme poverty. Dependence on rain-dependent agriculture (approx. 40% of GDP) makes the country vulnerable to climate shocks. Niger benefits greatly from its raw materials sector and investments, but remains socially and structurally fragile. In summary, Niger currently has the strongest growth rates thanks to oil and mining, Burkina Faso is focusing on long-term transformation through investment, while Mali, despite moderate growth, remains hampered by political and security uncertainties. 8. Prominent Voices on the CFA Prominent politicians criticize the CFA franc primarily as a symbol of West Africa's neocolonial dependence on France. Marine Le Pen called it a "drame pour l'économie africaine" (a tragedy for the African economy) and demanded its abolition. Emmanuel Macron has stated his openness to reform or abolition. Marine Le Pen, president of the National Rally, shares the African criticism and sees the CFA franc as a barrier to economic sovereignty. Emmanuel Macron responded to protests in Ouagadougou and Abidjan by announcing plans to replace the currency with a new "Eco" to loosen its peg to the euro. Thomas Sankara, former president of Burkina Faso, fought against the system, which parked 65% of foreign exchange reserves in French vaults, and is considered a pioneer of the anti-CFA movement. Marine Le Pen, president of the National Rally, shares the African criticism and sees the CFA franc as a barrier to economic sovereignty. Ousmane Sonko, a Senegalese opposition politician, has made the abolition of the CFA franc a central campaign issue, speaking of "voluntary servitude." Togolese economists like Kako Nubukpo criticize the systematic dependency, while Alassane Ouattara, President of Ivory Coast, defends the system. In Burkina Faso and Senegal, criticism is growing among young people and activists. Italy's Deputy Prime Minister Luigi Di Maio called the CFA franc an example of France's ongoing oppression. German politicians like Olaf Scholz rarely comment directly on the issue. The debate revolves around sovereignty, inflation, and growth.