Why did Europeans come to Africa?

Why did Europeans come to Africa?

The colonization of Africa was a long process. It began in antiquity, with colonization starting in the 7th–5th centuries BC and later followed by Greek colonization, which lasted from the 7th to the 5th centuries BC. The Greeks established colonies on the coasts of Libya and Egypt. The city of Carthage (present-day Tunisia) was founded by the Phoenicians and later conquered by the Romans, who made it the province of Africa. By the beginning of the 1st century AD, Rome controlled the entire North African coast. During the Middle Ages (5th–15th centuries AD), after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, North Africa was ruled by the Vandals and later became part of the Byzantine Empire. From the 7th century AD onward, Arab expansion brought Islam to North Africa and transformed the cultural and political landscape of the region. In the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance, Italian merchants (from Venice and Genoa) established trading posts. In the early modern period (15th–17th centuries), beginning in the 15th century, Portugal spearheaded European exploration and established trading posts along the West African coast, thus initiating the transatlantic slave trade. Spain also conquered important North African coastal cities (e.g., Ceuta, Melilla) and the Canary Islands. Other European powers followed: Dutch, French, and British traders established coastal fortresses and trading posts. In East Africa, Omani Arabs gained influence, particularly around Zanzibar. The “Scramble for Africa” (late 19th century) had begun. This period is commonly associated with the colonization of the African continent. Before the first Europeans, the Arabs were in Africa. Their presence began long before the rise of Islam, primarily through trade across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. However, the most profound and lasting impact came with the Islamic expansion in the 7th and 8th centuries. In the 7th century, the Arabs conquered Egypt. This marked the beginning of their conquest of North Africa. They then moved westward through North Africa. This led to the Arabization and Islamization of North Africa, displacing the previously dominant Latin and Berber cultures and languages ​​in many areas. They established trade routes across the Sahara, connecting North Africa with West African empires such as Ghana, Mali, and Songhai. They traded salt, textiles, and pearls for gold, ivory, and slaves. Arab traders settled along the coasts of present-day Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia, and Mozambique, intermarrying with the local Bantu population. From this emerged Swahili culture and language (Kiswahili), a Bantu language with a strong Arabic vocabulary. Arabs were also involved in the slave trade in the Indian Ocean, which lasted for centuries and transported enslaved people from East and Central Africa to the Middle East and Asia. All of this explains the deeply rooted Arab influence in many African societies. Ancient centers of learning like Timbuktu in Mali housed universities and libraries with thousands of Arabic manuscripts covering topics ranging from astronomy and medicine to law and poetry. Europeans colonized Africa for a mixture of economic, political, strategic, and ideological reasons. Industrialized nations needed raw materials, rival states sought prestige and territory, military planners looked for routes and bases, and many rulers packaged expansion in missionary and "civilizing" rhetoric. The short answer is simple: Europeans colonized Africa because they sought wealth, power, strategic control, and imperial status—and they justified this expansion with rhetoric about religion, progress, and civilization. This page clearly explains the causes, from the industrial economy behind the empire to the rivalry that accelerated the scramble for Africa. It also restores a crucial truth often omitted from school summaries: Europe did not divide an empty continent. It disregarded existing African states, trade networks, legal systems, and intellectual traditions. The most important colonial powers included: Great Britain (e.g., Nigeria, Kenya, Egypt, Sudan, South Africa); France (large parts of West and North Central Africa); Belgium (Congo Free State, later Belgian Congo); Germany (German East Africa, German Southwest Africa, etc.; lost after the First World War); Portugal (Angola, Mozambique, etc.); Italy (Libya, parts of the Horn of Africa); Spain (parts of Morocco, Equatorial Guinea). Europeans colonized Africa for a mixture of economic, political, strategic, and ideological reasons. Industrialized nations needed raw materials, rival states sought prestige and territory, military planners looked for routes and bases, and many rulers packaged the expansion in missionary and “civilizing” rhetoric. The short answer is simple: Europeans colonized Africa because they sought wealth, power, strategic control, and imperial status—and they justified this expansion with rhetoric about religion, progress, and civilization. This process, known as the "Scramble for Africa," reached its peak in the late 19th century. At the end of the 19th century, many European countries, including Great Britain, Germany, and France, were experiencing economic difficulties, manifested in trade deficits, among other things. Africa was seen as a source of cheap labor, abundant natural resources (gold, diamonds, ivory, rubber, timber, and agricultural products), and new markets for European manufactured goods. Colonies allowed European powers to acquire raw materials for their industries and create markets for finished products. At the end of the 19th century, competition among the European powers intensified. The unification of Germany in 1871 and Italy in 1861 fueled these countries' desire to strengthen their international standing through colonization. Control of African territories offered advantages in geopolitical rivalries and enabled the strengthening of military power and influence on the world stage. The unifications of Italy in 1861 and Germany in 1871 mark key milestones of 19th-century European nationalism, both driven by liberal and monarchist forces under the leadership of a core state. Prussia, under Otto von Bismarck, carried out the "revolution from above," beginning with its victory over Austria in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, which created the North German Confederation. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870/71 brought the South German states to the Prussian side; on January 18, 1871, Wilhelm I was proclaimed Emperor in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. The constitution came into force in 1871, but internal conflicts such as the Kulturkampf (cultural struggle) characterized the new Reich. The Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont, under Victor Emmanuel II and Prime Minister Cavour, led the Risorgimento, aided by Garibaldi's Expedition of the Thousand in 1860. In 1861, the Kingdom of Italy was proclaimed, but Venice (1866) and Rome (1870) were still missing; the latter fell only with the invasion of Italian troops. Unification was achieved through wars of independence against Austria and revolutionary uprisings, but ended with lingering regional tensions. Africa's strategic importance stemmed from its role as a crossroads of trade routes between Europe and Asia. The Suez Canal (built in 1869) and the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa were crucial for controlling sea lanes, especially for Great Britain, which had colonial interests in India and China. The development of technologies such as steamships, railways, and telegraphy made it easier for Europeans to penetrate deep into the continent and administer remote territories. Military superiority through modern weapons systems also played a role in colonization. The prevailing notions of Western civilization's superiority and Europe's "civilizing mission" served to justify colonization. Europeans were believed to have a duty to "civilize" and Christianize "primitive" societies. Racist views, widespread among many European leaders of the time, assumed that Africans were incapable of self-governance. In 1884/85, the Berlin Conference, convened by Otto von Bismarck, took place. There, the European powers established rules for the colonization of Africa, including the principle of "effective occupation." This allowed countries to secure territories by negotiating treaties with local leaders, raising a flag, and establishing an administration. The conference led to the division of the continent without the participation of African representatives, thus laying the foundation for future conflicts. The consequences were devastating. Colonization led to profound social, economic, and cultural changes in Africa. Traditional political structures were destroyed, and European systems of governance, languages, religions, and education were introduced, resulting in a loss of cultural identity. The borders drawn by Europeans often ignored ethnic, linguistic, and cultural differences, which became the root cause of many post-war conflicts. The colonization of Africa was thus the result of a complex interplay of economic interests, geopolitical rivalries, technological capabilities, and the ideological convictions of the European powers. * Missionaries played a complex and multifaceted role in the colonization of Africa. They were often among the first Europeans present on the continent, and their activities facilitated and justified colonial expansion. Missionaries were frequently the first Europeans to penetrate deep into African territories. They established missions, schools, and hospitals in remote areas; mapped territories and gathered information about the local population, resources, and trade routes; learned local languages ​​and customs and compiled dictionaries and grammars; and built networks of contacts with local communities. Missionaries actively worked to transform African societies according to European Christian norms, promoting European education systems and literacy (initially often in local languages, later in European ones); and introducing Western medical practices and hygiene standards. They also attempted to abolish or modify local customs they considered "uncivilized" (e.g., polygamy, certain initiation rites). They founded schools where European history, values, and religion were taught. The “civilizing mission” became a central justification for European expansion, as the narrative of introducing “Christianity, civilization, and trade” legitimized colonial rule. Missionaries presented colonialism as a means of ending the slave trade and tribal warfare. Their reports of “savagery” and “backwardness” in Africa reinforced racist ideologies that justified European dominance. Over time, missionaries increasingly collaborated with colonial administrations, providing information and acting as intermediaries between colonial officials and the local population. They assisted in implementing colonial policies and maintaining social control. They frequently received funding and protection from colonial governments and participated in establishing systems of forced labor or taxation through church institutions. Over time, missionaries increasingly collaborated with colonial administrations, providing information and acting as intermediaries between colonial officials and the local population. Missionary work had a lasting impact on language and communication, as missionaries translated the Bible and other religious texts into local languages; they developed writing systems for previously unwritten languages; they also created the first printed materials in many African languages; and they promoted the use of European languages ​​(especially English and French) in education and administration. Missionary activity contributed to the emergence of new social groups that gained prominence in colonial and post-colonial Africa. It created a new educated elite, often teachers, civil servants, and later political leaders—a class of African Christians with a distinct identity—who had access to networks of schools and churches that served as centers of social organization. The impact of missions was not entirely negative but also included positive aspects: The positive aspects include: The spread of literacy and basic education; The introduction of modern healthcare; The preservation of some local languages ​​through written records; The creation of institutions that later became platforms for anti-colonial movements. These positive aspects include: The negative aspects are: Undermining of traditional cultures and belief systems; Promotion of European cultural superiority; Complicity in colonial exploitation; Division of African communities between converts and adherents of traditional religions. The long-term consequences are: The legacy of the missionaries continues to shape Africa today: Christianity is now one of the dominant religions across much of the continent; many African education systems still exhibit missionary-influenced structures; church institutions remain important social and political actors; tensions persist in many societies between traditional beliefs and imported religions. Although the missionaries initially came with religious goals, their work became closely intertwined with the colonial project. They served as cultural mediators, ideological apologists, and practical supporters of European rule. Their legacy is complex: they brought education and healthcare, but also contributed to the erosion of indigenous cultures and the establishment of colonial power structures that had long-term effects on African societies. * Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars initiated by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and coalitions waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back at Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection troops armed with machine guns and employed a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned to the ground to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although skirmishes continued until 1908. Estimates suggest between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The rebellion arose from land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau took an oath to fight against the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as a leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi using guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African deaths (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white deaths; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became radicalised following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war with effective support from Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite Portuguese superiority, rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised it on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, committed fully to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU waged the armed struggle, supported by external powers, and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU cooperated loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as the Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle involving heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the Lancaster House Accords of 1979, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, which led to post-colonial conflicts such as Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France, not as a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN launched its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop numbers to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris massacre took place, leaving hundreds of Algerian demonstrators dead. The OAS, a French settler organisation, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the People of Algeria (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 resulted in 99.7% voting in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts initiated by European powers. These include African participation in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as soldiers in the Allied forces. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. Starting as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the war rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Then there were the interstate wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the establishment of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars. Colonisation also has a negative side, namely the wars of resistance and liberation. This era was marked by wars waged by African groups as a direct response to European colonialism. Africans took part in these wars, both as resistance fighters and, in some complex cases, as part of the colonial forces. In the late 19th century, African states and alliances waged countless wars against European colonial rule. These include well-known conflicts such as the Maji Maji War (1905–1907) in German East Africa against German rule. The Maji Maji uprising, also known as the Maji Maji War, was a significant anti-colonial uprising in German East Africa (present-day southern Tanzania) from 1905 to 1907. Forced labour and the cotton cultivation policy under Governor Gustav von Götzen fuelled the discontent of local ethnic groups such as the Matumbi and Ngindo. A spiritual leader, Kinjikitile Ngwale, claimed that ‘Maji’ ([holy] water) would protect the fighters from bullets, thereby uniting over 20 groups in the resistance. The uprising began in July 1905 with attacks on cotton fields, trading posts and mission stations near Samanga and Mahenge. The rebels were initially successful and captured territory, but the Germans struck back in Mahenge in August and massacred Ngoni camps in October. Colonel von Götzen deployed protection forces armed with machine guns and pursued a scorched-earth policy: villages, crops and livestock were burned down to bring about famine. This brutal strategy crushed the uprising by 1907, although further skirmishes continued until 1908. It is estimated that there were between 75,000 and 300,000 African casualties, who died mainly of starvation and disease, compared with around 15 Germans and 389 Askari. The uprising highlighted inter-ethnic unity against colonialism and led to German administrative reforms. In the mid-20th century, violent nationalist movements emerged. Africans initiated armed struggles for independence, such as the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, the War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau led by the PAIGC, and the War of Liberation in Zimbabwe (ZANU-PF). The best known of these wars is probably the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) against France. The Mau Mau uprising was a significant anti-colonial guerrilla war in Kenya from 1952 to 1960. It was waged mainly by the Kikuyu ethnic group against British colonial rule. The uprising arose due to land expropriations in favour of white settlers, economic exploitation and political oppression of the Kikuyu. The Mau Mau vowed to fight the British and drive out the Europeans. In October 1952, Governor Evelyn Baring declared a state of emergency; Jomo Kenyatta was wrongfully arrested as the leader. The Mau Mau operated from forests near Nairobi and employed guerrilla tactics; the British interned around one million Kikuyu in camps and launched fierce offensives. Leaders such as Dedan Kimathi were captured in 1956, and the uprising ended in 1960. There were around 14,000 African fatalities (many of them at the hands of the British), compared with just 95 white fatalities; torture and abuse took place in the camps. The uprising hastened Kenya’s independence in 1963 under Kenyatta; in 2013, the UK compensated the victims. The War of Independence in Guinea-Bissau was a key conflict in the decolonisation of Portuguese Africa. It lasted from 1963 to 1974 and led to the country’s independence. Portuguese Guinea, now Guinea-Bissau, had been a Portuguese colony since the 15th century. The independence movement PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde), founded in 1956 by Amílcar Cabral, became more radical following the Pidjiguiti massacre in 1959, in which Portuguese troops shot striking dockworkers. From 1963 onwards, the PAIGC waged a guerrilla war, which was effectively supported by Cuba, the Soviet Union and other countries. Despite the Portuguese superiority, the rebels captured large areas, including the island of São Tomé. The conflict claimed around 15,000 lives, including 1,875 Portuguese soldiers and 6,000 PAIGC fighters. The Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974 brought an end to the dictatorship and the colonial war. The PAIGC had already declared independence on 24 September 1973; Portugal recognised this on 10 September 1974. Luís Cabral became the first president. The liberation war in Zimbabwe, also known as the Rhodesian Bush War, was a decisive conflict against the white minority government under Ian Smith, in which ZANU-PF played a central role. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), founded in 1963 as a breakaway from ZAPU, devoted itself entirely to guerrilla warfare from 1975 onwards in order to end white rule and establish an African majority government. Under the leadership of Robert Mugabe, ZANU, supported by foreign powers, waged the armed struggle and was the main opponent of the Smith regime. ZANU and ZAPU worked together loosely, but internal rivalries characterised the war from 1964 to 1979, known as Chimurenga – a mass-based guerrilla struggle accompanied by heavy bloodshed. International pressure and negotiations, such as the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, led to independence on 18 April 1980. ZANU won the 1980 elections with 57 seats and merged with ZAPU in 1987 to form ZANU-PF, which became the dominant party and remains in power to this day. The war forged close ties between ZANU-PF and the military, leading to post-colonial conflicts such as the Gukurahundi. The Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962 was a bloody conflict between the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) and France, which ended with Algeria’s independence. Algeria was regarded as part of France rather than a colony, which complicated the FLN’s demands for independence. On 1 November 1954, the FLN began its armed struggle against French troops and collaborators with around 70 attacks. The movement gained support from African states and politicised large sections of the Algerian population. France increased its troop strength to 500,000; the Battle of Algiers in 1957 ended in a French victory and the temporary crushing of the FLN in the city. Despite military superiority, international pressure grew; in 1961, the Paris Massacre took place, in which hundreds of Algerian demonstrators were killed. The OAS, an organisation of French settlers, carried out terrorist attacks to prevent independence. On 18 March 1962, France and the Provisional Government of the Algerian People (GPRA) signed the Évian Accords, which provided for a ceasefire and self-determination. A referendum on 1 July 1962 showed that 99.7% voted in favour of independence; on 5 July, Algeria officially proclaimed its sovereignty. The war claimed some 1.5 million Algerian and 25,000 French lives; around one million Pieds-Noirs fled. Africans also took part in conflicts instigated by European powers. These include the participation of Africans in the Boer War (1899–1902) in South Africa and, on a large scale, in both World Wars as Allied soldiers. Since independence, conflicts have frequently been triggered by factions within states or by neighbouring countries. In these wars, Africans were the main combatants. Africa’s World War (Second Congo War, 1998–2003): This is arguably the most complex example. What began as a rebellion against the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo rapidly escalated into a continental conflict involving the armed forces of at least seven African nations (including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia) on various sides. There were also numerous civil wars. The post-colonial era was marked by devastating civil wars in countries such as Rwanda, Sudan, Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Somalia. These were triggered by internal factions, but often drew in regional actors. Added to this were inter-state wars. Conflicts also arose between independent African states, such as between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia. Wars are a recurring theme in African history – from the founding of ancient empires and resistance to colonialism to modern civil and regional wars.