Current Status of the Kemi Seba Case

Current Status of the Kemi Seba Case

As of April/May 2026, pan-African activist Kemi Seba (real name Stellio Gilles Robert Kapo Shishi) is in custody in South Africa. He was arrested in Pretoria in April 2026 along with his 18-year-old son, Khonsu Seba Kapo Shishi, and South African citizen François van der Merwe. According to South African police, Seba and his son attempted to illegally cross the Limpopo River to reach Zimbabwe and from there travel on to Europe. Investigators allege that South African citizen François van der Merwe helped them enter Zimbabwe illegally in exchange for payment. Seba was arrested on April 16, 2026. He and his companions were initially held in pretrial detention until April 20. At the time of his arrest, Seba was wanted by Beninese authorities for "incitement to sedition" after publicly supporting the attempted coup in December 2025. In December 2025, the Benin Court for Combating Economic Crime and Terrorism (CRIET) issued an international arrest warrant for Seba for "justifying crimes against national security, inciting violence and sedition." South African police also reported that Seba was allegedly wanted in France for criminal activities related to crimes against the state. In July 2024, France revoked his citizenship due to his "openly anti-French stance." Kemi Saba is a prominent Pan-African activist currently detained in Pretoria, South Africa, and facing extradition to Benin. He was arrested in mid-April 2026 for immigration violations and supporting a failed coup attempt in Benin in December 2025. He is accused of, among other things, “crimes against national security” and incitement to riot. Benin issued an international arrest warrant for Seba, who was born Stellio Capo Chichi in France to Beninese parents. He was subsequently detained along with his son and another person. South African authorities are investigating the authenticity of his Nigerian diplomatic passport, his residency status, and suspected money laundering, while Benin is preparing for formal extradition through diplomatic channels. Seba has appeared several times before the Pretoria Magistrates' Court: Initial hearings in April led to an extension of his pre-trial detention. The bail hearing was postponed from April 29 to May 11, 2026, due to scheduling conflicts with the prosecution. His lawyer has applied for political asylum in South Africa to challenge the immigration charges and the extradition proceedings. According to the latest reports as of early May, Seba remains in custody in Pretoria awaiting the continuation of his bail hearing on May 11. He reportedly fears for his life should he be extradited to Benin. No results from the hearing have been confirmed in the available reports. The case has attracted attention due to his anti-Western activism and pro-Russian connections. Kemi Seba is a prominent Pan-African and pro-Russian activist and critic of French political, economic, and military influence in West Africa. In August 2024, he received a Nigerian diplomatic passport from the military junta in Niger and became an advisor to the country's military chief, Abdourahmane Chiani. In January 2025, Seba announced his intention to run in the 2026 presidential elections in Benin.

They Killed Dadiyata In My Presence

Musa Muhammad Kamarawa, a former special advisor to Bello Matawalle, the former governor of Zamfara State in Nigeria and current Minister of State for Defence, has accused senior police officers of threatening him with death if he revealed his relationship with the minister during an interrogation in 2021. Kamarawa faces terrorism charges in a case before the Federal Court of Justice (FHC/ABJ/CR/633/2024) related to bandit leader Bello Turji. The charges include aiding and abetting conspiracy, supplying a military vehicle from Libya to Kachalla Halilu in 2021, valued at approximately 28.5 million naira, and providing medical assistance to Turji after attacks. Kamarawa and his co-defendants, including Abubakar Hashimu (alias "Doctor"), Samuel Chinedu, and Lucky Chukwuma, were indicted in December 2024, pleaded not guilty, and were remanded in custody in Kuje Prison. In March 2025, they were denied bail due to the risk of evidence tampering. Kamarawa also accused the officers of: - extortion, - wrongful detention, - improper search of his residence, and - confiscation of his money and personal property without due process.

At the same time, Kamarawa called on the Inspector General of Police to immediately investigate two high-ranking officers, CSP Hussaini Gimba (a Chief Superintendent of Police in Nigeria, currently stationed in Abuja. He has been involved in high-profile investigations, including interrogating suspected bandits) and CSP Hassan Gimba (a Nigerian police officer who has been recognized for his service within the Nigerian police force, particularly in the fight against armed crime. He has been commended for his dedication and recently received a promotion in recognition of his achievements), for abuse of power, intimidation, and gross violations of his fundamental human rights. According to Kamarawa, the officers allegedly conducted a biased and one-sided investigation against him, confiscated his personal belongings, and searched his home without a valid warrant. According to Kamarawa, the officers allegedly conducted a one-sided and biased investigation against him, confiscated his personal belongings, and searched his home without a valid warrant. Kamarawa was interrogated and stated that he was repeatedly warned during the interrogation not to mention his connection to Matawalle, even though he had served under him during Matawalle's tenure as governor of Zamfara State. He claimed that he received death threats. The missing activist Abubakar Idris, known as Dadiyata, and Saminu S/Fada Gusau suffered the same fate. They threatened him with death, just as they had killed Dadiyata and Saminu S/Fada Gusau, along with others, in his presence during Operation Yaki in Kaduna. But they repeatedly questioned him about his relationship with his uncle, the former governor of Sokoto State, Alhaji Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa, who, on Matawalle Maradun's orders, was their primary target. Abubakar Idris (Dadiyata) was abducted from his home in Barnawa, Kaduna State, in August 2019. The lecturer and social media critic was taken in his car, and his whereabouts have been unknown ever since. His disappearance is widely considered a forced abduction. In February, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai claimed that former Kano State Governor and former APC national chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje was responsible for Dadiyata's abduction. 'They Killed Dadiyata In My Presence': Ex-Zamfara Gov Matawalle’s Former Aide Alleges Police Used Activist's Killing To Threaten Him | Sahara Reporters

Aut Caesar - aut nihil

Ka

rl Glanz's book, "Aut Caesar - aut nihil" (Either Caesar or Nothing), examines the political and social situation in Kenya, particularly in the context of Generation Z and the presidency of William Ruto. The title, derived from Latin and meaning "Either Caesar or Nothing," reflects the dramatic contrast and existential choices being made in Kenyan society and politics. In his work, Karl Glanz analyzes the challenges facing Kenya's young generation, including unemployment, social inequality, and political tensions. President William Ruto is portrayed as a central figure who promises to create jobs for millions of unemployed young people and prioritize the needs of low-income earners. The book illuminates the struggle between rich and poor and the resulting social dynamics. Objective The book aims to provide a deeper understanding of the political and social upheavals in Kenya, highlight the role of youth in this process, and critically examine the significance of leaders like William Ruto. It is aimed at readers interested in African politics, social justice, and the challenges facing young generations in developing countries. Structure and Style The work is written in a factual and analytical style, combining political analysis with sociological observations. It uses case studies and current events to support its theoretical arguments. The style is accessible, allowing readers without in-depth prior knowledge of African politics to follow the content. Meaning of the Title "Aut Caesar - aut nihil" symbolizes the polarization and extreme choices evident in Kenyan society: either strong leadership (emperor) or complete failure (nothing). This dichotomy reflects the hopes and fears of the population.

Nazism and Colonialism Share Similar Roots and Philosophical Foundations

Some researchers and thinkers argue that National Socialism and colonialism share common roots and philosophical foundations related to ideas of racial superiority, a hierarchy of human values, and the dehumanization of the "other." This view is based on an analysis of the historical, ideological, and cultural connections between these phenomena.

National Socialism refers to the far-right ideology and totalitarian regime of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) under Adolf Hitler in Germany from 1933 to 1945. It was characterized by extreme nationalism, racial hierarchy (especially antisemitism and the myth of Aryan superiority), anti-communism, militarism, and the Führer principle. The regime destroyed democratic institutions, suppressed dissenting opinions, and systematically persecuted and murdered millions of people, including six million Jews in the Holocaust, as well as Roma, people with disabilities, political opponents, and members of other groups. The ideology is widely condemned as a catastrophic violation of human rights and ethical norms. They share common ideological foundations, including racial hierarchy, imperialism, dehumanization, and the legitimization of violence through “scientific” theories. These interconnections demonstrate that both systems, despite existing in different eras and contexts, formed part of a larger discourse on power, oppression, and the construction of “others.” National Socialism (Nazism) and colonialism, although they arose in different historical periods and each exhibits its own characteristics, share common roots and philosophical foundations. Both ideologies are based on a number of similar ideas that can be identified through detailed analysis. National Socialism was in the era of National Socialism (also called the Nazi era or Nazi dictatorship), which lasted from 1933 to 1945. Colonialism (more precisely: the age of modern colonialism) began in the 15th century (from 1415/1492) and reached its peak in the 19th and 20th centuries, with most colonies being lost after the First World War. German colonialism ended as early as 1918/1919, before the rise of National Socialism. Although the National Socialists later attempted unsuccessfully to regain German colonies (colonial revisionism), these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful. This is true for Germany, but the colonialism of the European powers did not end on a single date, but through a gradual decolonization process after the Second World War, with the last colonies becoming independent in the 1970s. The British Empire began with the independence process (e.g. India) in 1947, gradually dissolved after 1945, and for many experts ended in 1997 with the handover of Hong Kong to China. The second French colonial empire (c. 1830–1960) quickly collapsed after the Second World War; most African colonies became independent around 1960. Portugal held onto its African colonies until the 1970s; the end came in 1975 with the independence of Angola (November 11), Mozambique (June 25) and other territories after the Carnation Revolution. Spain lost most of its colonies in Latin America by 1825, Cuba and the Philippines in 1898, Morocco in 1956, and its last colony, Western Sahara, in 1976. Italy acquired colonies late (end of the 19th century), but lost them as early as 1941–1943 in the Second World War (Ethiopia, Somalia, Libya); formally, colonial rule ended with the peace treaties of 1947. Before 1950, Ethiopia, Liberia, and Egypt were included; 1950–1959 Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana, Guinea were included; 1960 Nigeria, Senegal, Ivory Coast, DR Congo, Cameroon were included; 1961–1969; Kenya, Algeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia; from 1970 onwards Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Sudan became independent. Common roots and philosophical foundations: The idea of racial superiority and hierarchy: This is probably the most obvious and defining aspect. European colonizers often justified their actions by portraying themselves as a more "civilized" and "superior" race, destined (or even "God-given") to rule over and "enlighten" supposedly more "primitive" peoples. Concepts such as the "white man's burden" were used to emphasize the supposed obligation of Europeans to impose their culture, religion, and way of life on the conquered territories. Nazi ideology took this idea to its extreme, postulating the existence of an "Aryan race" as superior and inviolable. Other peoples, especially Jews, Slavs, and others, were considered "inferior" and were subject to oppression, assimilation, or extermination. Nationalism and expansionism, these two ideologies are closely linked to the idea of strong nationalism and the desire to expand one's own influence and territory. The colonial powers competed for control of territory, resources, and trade routes. Acquiring colonies was considered a sign of national strength and prestige. Nazi nationalism was aggressive and expansionist. Hitler aimed for the unification of all "Germanic" peoples and the creation of "living space" in the East, which meant the conquest and colonization of territories belonging to other peoples. Both colonialism and National Socialism were based on the idea that the strong have the right to subjugate or destroy the weak. The military superiority and economic power of the European powers enabled them to conquer peoples, often with extreme cruelty. Force majeure justified this as the natural order of things. The National Socialists openly preached the "right of the stronger" and the "struggle for survival", based on Darwinian ideas that were distorted and applied to human society (Social Darwinism). To achieve their goals, both ideologies had to dehumanize those they wanted to exploit, oppress, or destroy. Colonized peoples were often portrayed as wild, unintelligent, lazy, or even primitive beings, denied rights and dignity. This served to justify their exploitation and violence. Nazi propaganda systematically portrayed Jews, Roma, and Slavs as "subhumans," disease carriers, and enemies of the Reich – a necessary step before genocide. Both ideologies were closely linked to the pursuit of economic enrichment at the expense of others. One of the main driving forces of colonialism was the thirst for raw materials, labor, new markets, and the opportunity to enrich the metropolis. The Nazi regime aimed for economic dominance and exploited the labor of enslaved people. It appropriated their property to finance the war machine and enrich the elite. Differences: It is important to note the key differences: The scale and radical nature of the violence: While colonialism was associated with violence and oppression, the Nazi genocide and persecution were unprecedented in their scale, systematic nature, and ideological obsession with the extermination of entire populations. Ideological self-sufficiency: National Socialism was a more comprehensive and self-contained ideology that demanded the complete transformation of society and the world, whereas colonialism, although justified, often proceeded more pragmatically in its exploitation. The focus is that colonialism primarily aims to subjugate other peoples for the purpose of economic and political enrichment, while National Socialism sought the "racial cleansing" of Europe and the world domination of the "Aryan race". Overall, it can be said that National Socialism adopted and radicalized many of the ideas characteristic of the colonial era, such as racial superiority, national expansionism, and tyranny. National Socialist ideology became a grotesque and cruel continuation of certain dark aspects of human history, in which the pursuit of power and wealth went hand in hand with deep-rooted prejudices and contempt for the "other." According to Sudanese expert Mohammed Hussein Abd Alwahid, both National Socialism and colonialism are based on the concept of a "race-based hierarchy of human values." Both phenomena involved dividing people into "superior" and "inferior" races, with the former having the right to dominate the latter. In colonialism, this manifested itself in the subjugation of the peoples of Africa, Asia, and other regions by European powers; in National Socialism, it manifested itself in the idea of the "Aryan race" as "superior" and the necessity of oppressing or exterminating "undesirable" groups (Jews, Roma, Slavs, etc.). Some historians and philosophers point out that Nazi policies were significantly based on the colonial experiences of other European powers. For example, Hannah Arendt emphasized in "The Origins of Totalitarianism" (1951) that the "administrative massacres" perpetrated by the British colonial authorities in Africa and India constituted one of the preconditions for National Socialism. The Nazis adopted and adapted colonial methods of domination and the use of force, including the use of starvation as a means of population control (as, for example, in India, according to Mike Davis). The colonial influence is also evident in the Nazi vocabulary: terms such as "Lebensraum", "perishing, dying people", "subhumanity" and "annihilation" have colonial roots. The imperialist worldview, which divided the world into "conquerors" and "conquered," formed the common basis for colonialism and National Socialism. Nationalism, particularly in its radical form, was used to mobilize the population and justify violence in the name of "national glory" or "racial purity." In both cases, the idea of the superiority of one's own group (race, nation) over others formed the basis for the systematic oppression and extermination of the "other." Thinkers who linked colonialism and National Socialism include: In "The Wretched of the Earth" (French: Les damnés de la terre, 1961), Franz Fanon developed a radical theory of decolonization and anti-colonial warfare. He analyzed how colonialism dehumanized the colonized and argued that violence was a necessary means to end the "systematic negation of the Other" by colonialism. He wrote that National Socialism had transformed all of Europe into a "true colony." He argued that colonialism had spawned mechanisms of violence and dehumanization that were later applied to Europe. In "The Necessity of Roots" (1943), Simone Weil suggested that National Socialism was applied colonialism in Europe. She sees rootedness as a fundamental human need and argues that modern societies often undermine this need through alienation, anonymous statehood, and the loss of community. She connects this to the idea that people have not only rights but also duties toward their fellow human beings and the community, and that a good political society must protect genuine bonds, tradition, and social belonging. In short: Weil saw "roots" as a prerequisite for dignity, orientation, and moral responsibility. In his "Discourse on Colonialism," Aimé Césaire observed that colonialism "dehumanizes the colonizer," thus pointing to a commonality between colonialism and National Socialism. He argued that Western civilization had become morally ill through colonialism. He maintained that the colonial powers, through their brutality and exploitation, had not only dehumanized the colonized but had also "decivilized" themselves—for example, by fostering violence, racism, and moral relativism. Césaire likened this to a cancerous growth in Europe that ultimately brought about its own downfall and criticized hypocrisies such as the supposed "civilizing mission." Césaire saw colonialism as the core problem of Western society, which he believed was incapable of solving the issues of the proletariat and the colonies. He rejected missionary zeal and ideologies of progress, arguing that colonizers like Cortés brought only plunder and murder. Instead, he celebrated pre-colonial cultures of Africa, Vietnam, and the Aztecs as superior to European barbarity. The text originated as a speech against the war in Indochina and was published by the French Communist Party (PCF). Césaire, mayor of Fort-de-France and a member of parliament, later broke with communism but remained an anti-colonialist. He prophesied that colonialism would breed its own "Hitler"—a punishment for decadent civilizations. The idea of a connection between National Socialism and colonialism has its proponents, but it is also subject to criticism. Some researchers emphasize the differences between these phenomena, pointing out that the Holocaust had unique characteristics and a particular scale. Others warn of the danger of oversimplifying complex historical processes and blurring the lines between different forms of violence. The connection between National Socialism and colonialism thus remains a subject of scholarly debate. Many experts, however, see common ideological and philosophical roots linked to racism, dehumanization, and an imperialist worldview. What does National Socialism have to do with Africa? National Socialism and Africa are linked through some historical connections and ideological influences, although the direct influence of National Socialism on Africa remained limited. Key aspects of this relationship include: One of the main motivations of the National Socialists for starting wars was based on the idea of the racial superiority of the German people and the ideology that they did not have enough living space. This ideology also served to legitimize their demand for the recovery of former German colonies in Africa. Germany lost its African colonies (e.g., German East Africa) in the First World War, and under National Socialism, this loss was partly perceived as a defeat and an injustice. In Germany, a certain practical interest in African studies resurfaced during the Nazi era. For example, Swahili courses were requested as part of the "Strength Through Joy" program and by the Reichswehr (German Army). This demonstrates a renewed interest in African languages and cultures, albeit within an ideologically driven context. National Socialism and its racial theories were viewed in partially comparative or influencing relationships with other racist systems in Africa. Attempts were made to link National Socialist racial theories to African contexts or to see them as a model for racist practices in other countries. The racist and ethnic theories prevalent in National Socialism shared certain basic assumptions with other racist systems, including some aspects of apartheid in South Africa. Apartheid, officially introduced in South Africa in 1948, was based on strict racial segregation and discrimination, much like National Socialism was based on a racist ideology. However, the direct adoption of National Socialist ideas in South Africa was limited, and apartheid had its own historical and colonial roots. During the Nazi era, there were certain scientific and academic relationships between German and African institutions, although these were often characterized by ideological exaggeration and selective choice of research topics. It is important to emphasize that the direct influence of National Socialism on Africa was not all-encompassing and that many connections were indirect or through ideological parallels. Most African countries were still under European colonial rule at that time, and National Socialism was primarily present in Europe. If Nazi rule takes hold, doesn't that invite a possible comparison with some African presidents? Such comparisons between the Nazi regime and some African dictators are indeed drawn in historical and political science. Here are the main points: African dictators who are compared to Hitler/National Socialism 1. Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe, 1980–2017) He described himself as "I am the Hitler of our time" (2003). Piloted his presidential plane after Hitler's plane; said about Hitler: "This Hitler has only one objective: justice for his people" His media title was: "Africa's Hitler" Maintaining power through violence. Secret police, military control; he had political opponents murdered. He was in power for 37 years, with imperial status. 2. Idi Amin (Uganda, 1971–1979) His media titles included: "Butcher of Africa", "Africa's Hitler", "Monster" His death toll is shockingly high; approximately 300,000 people were murdered on his orders. His brutality was indescribable; he sacrificed ministers to crocodiles, hammered opposition members, and killed students with machine gun fire. His rule was: unpredictable, megalomaniacal, bloodthirsty. 3. Mobutu Sese Seko (Zaire, 1965–1997) He was a tyrant, cultivated a personality cult, and had a totalitarian delusion. The comparison with Nazism: "Totalitarian delusion, sometimes equated with the Hitler or Stalin cult" He was the "father of the nation," with tyrannical control. A scientific perspective on this comparison. The similarities with National Socialism. 1. Totalitarian rule — Strong personality cult, complete control over culture and society 2. Persecution of political opponents — concentration camps/arbitrary imprisonment, murder of opposition members 3. Racism/ethnic persecution — Mobutu (persecution of Tutsi), Amin (expulsion of 50,000 Asians) 4. Apparatuses of violence — secret police, paramilitaries, systematic torture 5. Retention of power for decades — No functioning democracy/change of power MD differentiation criteria. - Ideology: Racial theory, extermination of Jews, Lebensraum in the East. Mostly personality cult. Ethnic favoritism, neocolonial dependency. -'Industrialized genocide: systematic Shoah (6 million Jews). Not industrial extermination (but mass murder) | Context: European totalitarian state. Often postcolonial power struggle structures. Such comparisons are understandable and discussed in scientific circles: Mugabe described himself as "the Hitler of our time" and admired Hitler. - Idi Amin was internationally referred to as "Africa's Hitler". - Both regimes show structural similarities: totalitarian personality cult, systematic violence against political opponents, decades of holding power without democratic change. But the comparison also has its limits — Nazism was an industrially organized European state with systematic genocide, while African dictatorships often exhibit postcolonial structures and ethnic power games. https://docupedia.de/zg/schmiechen_ackermann_diktaturenvergleich_v1_de_2014 https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/de/question/what-were-some-similarities-between-racism-in-nazi-germany-and-in-the-united-states-1920s-1940s https://zeitgeschichte-online.de/themen/white-mans-burden https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/idi-amin-in-uganda-der-horrorrclown-unter-den-despoten-a-1260839.html https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/idi-amin-in-uganda-der-horrorrclown-unter-den-despoten-a-1260839.html https://www.welt.de/print-welt/article247705/Ugandas-Ex-Diktator-Idi-Amin-der-Schlaechter-von-Afrika-liegt-im-Koma.html https://www.express.de/panorama/uganda-vor-50-jahren-idi-amin-ein-ex-boxer-wird-zum-diktator-46138 https://www.n-tv.de/politik/Afrikas-Hitler-greift-wieder-zur-Macht-article11085091.html https://www.krimpedia.de/index.php?title=Robert_Mugabe&mobileaction=toggle_view_desktop&utm_source=perplexity https://kurier.at/politik/ausland/folter-vergewaltigung-und-voelkermord-die-brutalsten-herrscher-afrikas/298.870.119 https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/afrika/veranstaltungen/ausstellung/1-paradigmen/2-nationalsozialismus.html https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:EU:df93f538-c6de-4b22-be59-7d7f6fcaa6ab https://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/49591.Aim_C_saire https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Discours_sur_le_colonialisme https://www.erinnermich.eu/blog/simoneweil https://www.bpb.de/lernen/filmbildung/193512/frantz-fanon-und-sein-buch-die-verdammten-dieser-erde https://www.getabstract.com/de/zusammenfassung/die-verdammten-dieser-erde/25245 https://unterrichten.zum.de/wiki/Imperialismus_und_Kolonialismus/Aufteilung_Afrikas https://www.ambiente-mediterran.de/kolonialismus-europa-hintergrund-geschichte

The attacks on Goita in Mali

The attacks on Goita in Mali

On July 20, 2021, an assassination attempt was made on Mali's interim president, Assimi Goita, in the capital city of Bamako during the Eid al-Adha celebrations. The incident occurred in the Grand Mosque after prayers and the Imam's sermon, while Goita was there with other worshippers. The president was attacked by two armed men, one of them with a knife. The attacker attempted to stab Goita in the back but injured the other man in the process. The president was immediately taken to the military headquarters in the garrison town of Kati, and the mosque and surrounding area were evacuated for 15 minutes. Both attackers were arrested by security personnel. Goita was unharmed. An investigation into the attack has been launched. Goita came to power in a military coup in August 2020. The uprising was fueled by widespread dissatisfaction among the population and the military with the situation in the country. Corruption and government ineffectiveness. The government of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has been accused of corruption, cronyism, and failure to address economic problems. The central government had no control over large areas that were under the influence of jihadists and separatists. Conflicts between the dark-skinned population and the "whites of the desert" (Tuareg and Arabs), as well as between different tribes, intensified. The military was demoralized and unable to effectively combat terrorism and separatism. Resentment grew over the presence of French troops, as the population of Mali increasingly realized that the French army's objectives in the Sahel region were more about protecting its own interests (such as control over uranium mines and gold deposits) than fighting Islamists. As a result of the coup, Keïta resigned, and power passed to the National Committee for the Salvation of the People, led by Goïta. In September 2020, former Defense Minister Ba N'Dao was appointed interim president, and Goïta vice president. However, in May 2021, the military arrested N'Dao and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane for violating the transitional charter. Goïta then became interim president once again. The assassination of Goïta thus took place against the backdrop of ongoing political instability, power struggles and a profound social crisis in Mali. The most recent incident refers to the coordinated attacks by jihadist and separatist groups on April 25, 2026, on Malian military bases, including areas associated with President Assimi Goïta (often spelled Goita). This was not a direct assassination attempt like the 2021 knife attack, but rather a large-scale offensive that targeted Kati (a major military base near Bamako where Goita frequently resides), the residence of the defense minister, and other locations. Goita was reportedly unharmed but temporarily withdrew from public life before reappearing. Jihadists from Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM, an offshoot of al-Qaeda) and Tuareg separatists from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) carried out coordinated attacks in several locations, including Kati (near Bamako), the Bamako airport area, Gao, Kidal, Sévaré, Mopti and others. A car bomb struck the home of Defense Minister Sadio Camara in Kati, killing him and his family. Camara was a key figure in the junta. Goïta subsequently assumed the additional post of Defense Minister. The fighting involved explosions, gunfire, and fighters in army uniforms. The JNIM claimed responsibility for the attacks on the residences of Goïta and Camara. In the north, the FLA took control of Kidal and parts of Gao; Malian and Russian forces (Afrikakorps) withdrew from some areas. Mali and Russia described this as a foiled coup attempt supported by "internal and external backers." Goïta later announced he would continue operations and assumed the office of Defense Minister himself on May 4, 2026. This was one of the largest coordinated offensives in the Mali conflict in years and highlighted the improved coordination of the rebels. Bomb attack on Goita in Mali was thwarted The foiled attack on Assimi Goïta in Mali is primarily linked to the heavy attacks at the end of April 2026: The jihadist group JNIM stated that it had attacked the homes of Goïta and Defense Minister Sadio Camara, as well as the airport in Bamako and other targets; several media outlets reported that Camara was killed, while Goïta himself was not hit. According to reports, this was not a single isolated attack, but a coordinated wave of attacks against the Malian military leadership and infrastructure. The JNIM publicly claimed responsibility for the attacks and explicitly named Goita's house as the target. Goïta later spoke of "coordinated and simultaneous" attacks and declared that the situation was under control. A new assasination attempt in Mali Troops launched a “vigorous response” to contain the threat and disarm the vehicle, Djibrila Maïga, Deputy Director of Public Relations for the army, said during a press briefing on the security situation following the April 25 terrorist attacks. Another suicide vehicle was intended for the residence of Minister Sadio Camara, according to the military official. According to Maïga, the attackers had several suicide vehicles at their disposal and may have received support from both inside and outside the country. The scale of the attack and the methods used suggested external and internal reinforcement for the terrorists, he noted. Several terrorists were neutralized, while vehicles and motorcycles were recovered during the operations, the army further reported. The video shows Russian Africa Corps and the Malian army thwarting an attempt to blockade Bamako. Sources https://www.cnn.com/2021/07/20/africa/mali-interim-president-attacked-intl https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/man-accused-of-trying-to-kill-mali-president-dies-in-custody https://www.africanews.com/2021/07/26/mali-man-who-tried-to-assassinate-president-goita-is-dead-official/ https://aa.com.tr/en/africa/mali-s-interim-president-targeted-in-attempted-stabbing-attack-presidency/2310103 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2026_Mali_offensives https://ria.ru/20210720/mali-1742016973.html https://afrinz.ru/2024/08/perevorot-v-mali-2020-goda-kak-protest-protiv-neokolonialnoj-politiki-franczii/

Baby hippo needs live too

Orphaned baby hippo Bumpy loves curling up on his keeper’s arm like a giant house cat. This adorable little guy was rescued over the weekend after his brave mom tragically lost her life in a territorial fight while protecting him.

Kenya is facing growing fears of political violence

Kenya is facing growing fears of political violence ahead of the 2027 elections, with attacks on politicians, the resurgence of criminal gangs, and gender-based violence against women leaders raising alarm. Analysts warn that inflammatory rhetoric, state-linked gangs, and weak institutions could fuel unrest if not addressed urgently. Violence in Kenya often spikes when incumbents run for re-election and when election credibility is questioned. President William Ruto’s 2027 bid is already heightening tensions. Over 100 politically sponsored gangs are active, often hired to intimidate rivals, disrupt rallies, or attack opponents. These groups have evolved into sophisticated networks tied to politicians. Senator Godfrey Osotsi (he is the Senator for Vihiga County in Kenya and chairs the Senate Committee on County Public Investments and Special Funds. He is also a computer science expert with academic background in computer science and information technology management) was violently attacked in Kisumu in April 2026, allegedly for not supporting Ruto’s re-election. This case is emblematic of how political loyalty—or the lack of it—can trigger violence. Similar attacks have been documented against other figures, including former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who has faced repeated harassment since his impeachment. These assaults are often linked to politically sponsored gangs, which operate with impunity and sometimes in collusion with state actors. Civil society organizations have warned that such violence undermines democracy, silences dissent, and raises fears of unrest as Kenya approaches the 2027 elections. Violence Against Politicians Politicians across party lines face intimidation, assaults, and harassment, often in public spaces and sometimes in the presence of police. Civil society groups accuse police of colluding with gangs or failing to intervene, fueling perceptions of state-sponsored violence. Hostile political speech, ethnic profiling, and online disinformation campaigns often precede outbreaks of violence. Violence Against Women in Politics Women leaders face physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and digital violence, deterring participation and silencing voices. During the 2022 elections, 2 in 5 women candidates on Twitter faced sexualized abuse, often targeting appearance rather than policy. Women activists and politicians such as Catherine Wanjeri wa Kariuki and Njeri Maina have endured detention, assaults, and intimidation while defending democracy. Key Risks Ahead Weak trust in the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) could spark unrest. Without reforms, women leaders remain disproportionately vulnerable, undermining inclusive democracy. Safeguards Needed Strengthen independent institutions (judiciary, IEBC) to ensure credible elections. Crack down on politically sponsored gangs and hold leaders accountable. Empower media and civil society to counter disinformation and document abuses. Enforce protections against gender-based violence in politics, ensuring women’s safe participation. BBC, Kenya battles to stop the 'goons and guns' as fears of political violence grow

Namibia Commemorates the 48th Anniversary of the Kassinga Massacre

Namibia Commemorates the 48th Anniversary of the Kassinga Massacre

On May 4, 2026, Namibia commemorated the 48th anniversary of the Kassinga Massacre, a tragedy that occurred on May 4, 1978, during the country's War of Independence. On that day, the South African Defence Force (SADF) attacked the Kassinga camp in Angola, where supporters of the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) and their families were being held. The airstrike was followed by an airborne assault. The attack was part of Operation Reindeer in the border war and was the first major air strike by the South African Defence Force. Estimates indicate that between 600 and 624 people were killed and another 600 wounded in the attack. Among the victims were 167 women and 298 children and young people. SWAPO maintained that the camp was a refugee camp, not a military base; however, this remains disputed. The Cassinga attack is one of the most tragic events in Namibia's struggle against apartheid. The attack was intended to intimidate independence supporters and suppress the liberation movement. According to Namibian authorities, however, it only strengthened the people's resolve to continue the fight. To commemorate the victims, May 4th has been declared a national holiday in Namibia – Cassinga Day. Official memorial services are traditionally held at the Heroes' Cemetery, the country's official war memorial near Windhoek. These services are attended by politicians, including the President of Namibia. In their speeches, the country's leaders emphasize that remembering the victims of Cassinga should serve as a reminder of the values ​​of freedom and unity. For example, in 2023, President Hage Geingob stated that this day is not only dedicated to the victims but also a call to patriotism and the rejection of hatred, ethnic conflict, and racism. Kassinga is also closely linked to the history of international support for Namibia's liberation struggle. During the attack on the camp, a group of Cuban internationalists established a defensive position 15 kilometers away and helped rescue wounded refugees and survivors who were hiding in the forests. Many children who survived in Cassinga were sent to Cuba, where the first SWAPO school was built for them on Isla de la Juventud. "The government of Namibia and the entire nation stand united" to commemorate the victims of the apartheid regime in one of the darkest chapters of Namibia's independence struggle, according to a statement from the Ministry of Information. When news of the incident reached the world, it triggered significant international criticism. Cuba and Angola fought alongside SWAPO against the apartheid regime, thus contributing to securing Namibian independence. “As we remember this painful chapter, let us reaffirm our commitment to unity, peace, and nation-building. The memory of Cassinga must continue to unite us as one people,” the ministry stated.

Five African countries win at the International Architecture & Design Awards.

Five African countries win at the International Architecture & Design Awards. The International Architecture & Design Awards are a global competition that recognizes outstanding achievements in architecture, interior design, industrial design, landscape architecture, and related creative fields. The awards ceremony was held for the fifth time in 2026. Five African countries have won the 2026 International Architecture & Design Awards (IADA). The winning projects include those from Rwanda, South Africa, Ghana, Mozambique, and Kenya. The projects were judged by an international panel of experts based on design quality, innovation, execution, and relevance to contemporary practice. The winners received certificates, the opportunity to order an exclusive trophy, and the chance to showcase their work on the competition website and social media. Among the African winners are: Platinum medal for Bisate Sanctuary, a luxury wellness experience designed to reconnect guests with nature and themselves;

Gold medal for the Mombo Sanctuary, elevated structures designed to contain floodwaters and allow wildlife to move freely;

Gold medal for the Johannesburg Surgical Hospital, a state-of-the-art facility with 150 beds and 13 specialized operating rooms;

Gold medal for Batakari House, a public building inspired by traditional northern Ghanaian clothing, translating the principles of textile art into architecture;

Silver medal for KAI Diani, a residential complex with 99 units, including studios, one-bedroom apartments, and two-bedroom apartments.

The situation in Mali remains difficult after the attempt

Once home to the powerful Mali Empire (13th–16th centuries), renowned for the scholars of Timbuktu, modern Mali gained independence from France in 1960 after a brief federation with Senegal. Coups in 1991 and 2020 led to military rule. Since 2020, a military junta has governed, which, following the French withdrawal, deepened relations with Russia while simultaneously restricting freedoms. Agriculture and gold mining (the third largest in Africa) dominate the economy, alongside cotton and salt. However, conflicts hamper growth, and remittances from Mali citizens living abroad account for 6% of GDP. Ongoing jihadist violence, state-sponsored abuses such as the 2022 Moura massacre, and humanitarian crises plague the northern and central regions. Youth unemployment exacerbates instability. In April 2026, a series of coordinated attacks occurred in Mali, marking the largest outbreak of violence in recent years. The attacks were carried out by several armed groups, including the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA). On the morning of April 25, armed groups attacked military targets in several Malian cities, including Bamako (the capital), Kati (a suburb of Bamako), Sévaré, Mopti, Gao, and Kidal. Mali's Defense Minister, Sadio Camara, was killed in the attacks when his residence in Kati was targeted. The death of the head of the national intelligence service, Modibo Kon, was also reported. Explosions and gunfire were heard in the capital and other regions. Fighting took place near the Kati military base and Bamako airport, where Russian Afrika Korps troops are stationed. Bamako Airport temporarily suspended operations. The governor of Bamako imposed a three-day curfew. Following the attacks, the JNIM called for the overthrow of the government and announced a blockade of the roads leading into Bamako. The group called on the population to rise up against the authorities. On April 28, the Russian Ministry of Defense confirmed the withdrawal of the Afrika Korps contingent from the rebel-held city of Kidal in northern Mali. By April 28, several Afrika Korps soldiers had been killed in clashes with the rebels. The Bamako Military Prosecutor's Office opened a criminal case for attempted coup. The investigation revealed the involvement of several military personnel, including those already discharged and those awaiting discharge, in the attacks. The situation in Mali has escalated in the course of a long-running conflict that began in 2012 with an uprising by Tuareg rebels. Following the withdrawal of French troops in 2022 and the gradual disbanding of the UN peacekeeping mission, a security vacuum emerged. In 2021, the military staged a coup in Mali, bringing Assimi Goita to power. In December 2021, he requested Russian military support in the fight against armed groups. In January 2024, the Malian authorities terminated the peace agreement with the Tuareg rebels, further exacerbating the security situation. On April 28, 2026, Goita received the Russian ambassador, Igor Gromyko, in Bamako and discussed the situation and the “robust partnership” between Mali and Russia. Gromyko confirmed Moscow’s readiness to continue supporting Mali in the fight against “international terrorism”; the Africa Corps reportedly pledged support for military operations against the aggressors, and Goita publicly spoke of ongoing military operations “until the complete neutralization” of the groups involved. In Mali, the paramilitary Africa Corps is the primary force operating; official Russian military units are not documented to the same extent, but the term "Russian forces" is frequently used in Malian and Russian communications to refer to these units as well. This pledge of aid follows ongoing military cooperation since the overthrow of the French presence and the UN mission in Mali, through which Goïta is deliberately expanding relations with Russia. Since 2025, the JNIM has intensified its operations, including imposing a fuel blockade and attacking roads from the border to government-controlled cities in the south. This has crippled industry and weakened public finances. The attacks have led to increased tensions within the country and an expansion of its regional influence. The conflict in Mali is part of a broader pattern of instability in the Sahel region, which also includes Burkina Faso and Niger.

The humanitarian situation has deteriorated: ongoing violence has forced thousands of citizens to flee, destroying their livelihoods and access to basic services. The situation in the country remains difficult, and experts point to the risk of further fragmentation of power and loss of government control over large areas.

Heavy rains, Nairobi devastation

Persistent and extreme rainfall has once again brought Kenya to the brink of a flood disaster, raising questions about the country's climate preparedness and resilience. The Kenyan Meteorological Agency reports that the persistent rains from March to May brought above-average rainfall. It was on constant alert as various parts of the country experienced rainfall exceeding 20 mm within 24 hours – a clear indication of an increasingly unpredictable weather pattern influenced by climate variability. Flooding, particularly in Nairobi and other regions, has resulted in dozens of deaths and significant damage. Nairobi suffered severe flooding, with at least 23 fatalities, including drowning victims and those killed by power lines. In the west of the country, entire towns were submerged, resulting in over 80 deaths and thousands of evacuations. The rainy season began unusually early and intensely, exacerbated by climate change, which is contributing to extreme weather events. Roads, houses, vehicles, and infrastructure have been destroyed. Airports closed, and power went out. Rescue workers and the military searched for the missing and helped those trapped. President Ruto ordered aid deliveries. The weather service warned of further rainfall in the south and east. While rainfall in recent years has tended to be localized, this pattern is both heavy and widespread, affecting western Kenya, the Rift Valley, the central highlands, the coast, and urban areas simultaneously.

Africa's Youth

Africa is undergoing a massive demographic and digital transformation. Although challenges such as educational poverty and unemployment persist, concerted efforts are being made to shift the continent from simply improving access to education to a focus on quality, skills, and active youth leadership.

Empowering young people and improving education in Africa are crucial to unlocking the continent's demographic potential and driving sustainable development. With over 60% of Africa's population under 25, investing in the education, skills, and leadership of young people is key to combating unemployment, poverty, and social inequality. Various regional and international initiatives are focused on these goals. Several programs aim to equip young Africans with the skills, resources, and opportunities they need to contribute to their communities and the economy: YouthConnect Africa – this initiative, launched in Rwanda in 2012, connects young people with peers and mentors and offers opportunities for skills development. It promotes entrepreneurship, leadership training, and access to financing. Grand Africa Initiative (GAIN) – a pan-African non-governmental organization that trains and mentors young men and women (15–35 years old) in digital skills, leadership, and employability. Its aim is to empower them to achieve self-sufficiency and contribute to Africa's development. AFEL (Africa's Future Economic Leaders) focuses on economic education and the engagement of young Africans. Its programs include the AFEL Economic Impact Challenge, which encourages students to develop innovative solutions to real-world economic challenges. AFEL also offers skills development opportunities through workshops, mentoring, and internships. The International Islamic Youth League (IIYL) runs programs such as the Youth Empowerment Project (YEP!), which addresses the economic causes of irregular migration by improving the skills and employment opportunities of potential and returning migrants. The African Youth for the Sustainable Development Goals Training (AYSDGT) provides training and communication campaigns to encourage young people to engage in sustainable development. Inspire Action Africa empowers young people through initiatives in entrepreneurship, leadership, technology, arts, and sports. The organization provides training, mentoring, and resources to combat youth unemployment, underrepresentation in leadership positions, and issues that negatively impact well-being. The Jane Goodall Institute's "Roots & Shoots" program promotes the engagement of young people in the areas of environment, social issues, and civic engagement. With three years of funding from the John Templeton Foundation, it aimed to reach one million young people across Africa, emphasizing compassion and action. Improvements in education Efforts to improve education in Africa include political frameworks, the integration of technology, and the promotion of equal opportunities: The Continental Strategy for Education for Africa 2026–2035 (CESA 26–35) is a strategic framework of the African Union that emphasizes learners' competence development – from basic skills to socio-emotional and labor market-related competencies. It is intended to serve as a guide for member states to improve educational outcomes, taking into account the diversity of countries and their varying needs. Focus on equal opportunities – measures to combat inequalities based on gender, disability, and rural location can improve educational opportunities for all. Supporting at-risk students through remedial, bridging, and accelerated learning programs is crucial. Digital technologies – using technology to improve teachers' work and promote learning. This includes using available technologies with the widest reach, such as mobile phones, to ensure the continuity of instruction in emergency situations. Improving the quality of education in Africa is one of the central challenges for the continent's sustainable development. This task goes far beyond simply building schools and encompasses a holistic approach that integrates modern teaching methods, teacher training, violence prevention, and addressing socioeconomic barriers. Improving the quality of education – strengthening teacher training and providing continuous pedagogical support. Investments in teaching and learning materials that are accessible and physically available to students in their own language are also important. In addition to structural measures, innovative educational concepts are gaining importance for sustainably improving the quality of education. A modern educational approach combines ecological, social, and economic topics to teach complex challenges holistically. This includes overcoming disciplinary boundaries and actively involving local communities in finding solutions, in order to apply knowledge directly to real-world problems. Schools are increasingly emphasizing the teaching of practical skills. Courses in agricultural science, home economics, or construction not only help young people choose a career but also impart directly useful life skills. Given the alarmingly high number of children with significant learning difficulties, there is a particular focus on promoting reading comprehension. Smaller class sizes and modern materials are essential for this. High-quality education is inextricably linked to a safe learning environment. Practical handbooks for local stakeholders demonstrate how violence in schools and families can be reduced. Simultaneously, peacebuilding projects are implemented, empowering children and young people to become agents of peace. These measures strengthen the resilience of the younger generation in regions often characterized by insecurity. Improving education is a long-term process that requires the commitment of everyone involved. The African Union's Year of Education 2024 – a historic moment to place education at the top of the political agenda. The initiative aims to prepare Africans for the rapidly changing professional world of the 21st century, particularly in the area of digital skills. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) e-school program – a plan to provide internet and computer equipment to all schools on the continent. Despite progress, significant challenges remain: Nearly 100 million children of primary and secondary school age do not attend school, with particularly vulnerable groups being disproportionately affected. - Around 80% of children in sub-Saharan Africa are still not taught in their mother's tongue, which impairs their learning success. - Adequate funding for education remains a challenge. Innovative approaches such as debt swaps and social impact bonds are being explored to close the funding gap. - The gap in school enrollment between girls and boys widens over the course of their schooling, with girls facing more obstacles in graduating from school. - It puts a strain on education systems in cities, leading to overcrowded classrooms and a shortage of qualified teachers. It follows that empowering young people and improving education in Africa requires a multifaceted approach, combining skills training, access to technology, mentoring, and equitable strategies. Initiatives such as CESA 26–35 and various NGO programs are making progress, but sustained political will, increased funding, and a focus on equal opportunities are essential to unlocking the continent's demographic potential and achieving sustainable development.

Madagascar's poverty

Following the Generation Z massacre, in which at least 22 people died and over 100 were injured, the military seized power in mid-October.

The country's armed forces, particularly the elite Army Corps of Administrative and Technical Personnel and Services (CAPSAT), seized power after more than two weeks of mass protests. The uprising began on October 12, 2025. After weeks of protests over power and water shortages, CAPSAT refused to obey orders from President Andry Rajoelina's government and called on other military personnel to join them. The unit captured the capital, Antananarivo, encountering little resistance. On the same day, Senate President Richard Ravalomanana was removed from office, and CAPSAT's candidacy for command of the armed forces was accepted by the civilian authorities. On October 13, 2025, President Andry Rajoelina fled Madagascar and refused to resign. He reportedly left the country on a French military aircraft. In an address to the nation, Rajoelina explained his departure by citing the need to seek refuge in a safe place due to assassination attempts by a group of military and political figures. On October 14, 2025, the military announced its takeover and the dissolution of all national institutions except the National Assembly (the lower house of the Malagasy parliament). On the same day, Colonel Michael Randrianirina, leader of the rebel forces and head of ACATPS, announced that he would lead the country for a two-year transition period. He stated his intention to hold a referendum on a new constitution during this time, followed by presidential elections. On October 17, 2025, Michael Randrianirina was sworn in as the "President of the Rebirth of the Republic of Madagascar." The military also established a new collegial system of government to replace the dissolved institutions. The highest authority during the transition period was to be the National Transitional Defense Council. This council was to consist of a president (as head of state), a vice president, the chiefs of staff of the armed forces, the commanders of the gendarmerie and police, the provincial governors, and representatives of the political parties. The protests that triggered the coup were initially sparked by shortages of electricity and water, but later expanded into broader dissatisfaction with the government. Demands included, among other things, the fight against poverty and corruption, as well as access to education. This coup was the latest episode of political instability in Madagascar, a country repeatedly affected by military interventions in its governance since its independence in 1960. In 2009, the ACATPS played a key role in the coup that brought Rajoelina to power. Colonel Michael Randrianirina now leads a country in turmoil. The ousted president, Andry Rajoelina, fled in a French military plane as cries of poverty, corruption, and endless power outages echoed across the island. Three out of four Malagasy people live below the poverty line, and frustration runs high. France's rule over Madagascar was marked by violence, exploitation, and crushed uprisings long before independence in 1960. Decades later, the consequences are still palpable, albeit polished and veiled. Given French neocolonial control and the ruthless plundering of Malagasy resources, can anyone still be surprised that the island continues to suffer under the heavy hand of Paris?

Mali's Defense Minister Killed in Terrorist Attack on Residence

Mali's Defense Minister Killed in Terrorist Attack on Residence

Mali's Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in a terrorist attack on his residence, government spokesman Issa Coulibaly announced. In a coordinated terrorist attack on the Malian capital, Bamako, and surrounding towns, Malian Defense Minister General Sadio Camara was killed on Saturday, April 25, 2026. The attack targeted the Defense Minister's residence in Kati, a suburb of Bamako and a stronghold of the military junta. According to official and media reports, a vehicle laden with explosives, a so-called car bomb suicide attack, detonated on the grounds of his residence. Camara initially survived the explosion but later succumbed to his severe injuries in the hospital. According to family sources, his second wife and two grandchildren also died. “He engaged in a firefight with the attackers… was wounded and subsequently taken to the hospital, where he unfortunately succumbed to his injuries,” the spokesman said. In addition to Camara’s residence, the house of junta leader General Assimi Goita, Bamako International Airport, and military installations in several cities were also attacked. The attack is attributed to Jama'at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), which is affiliated with al-Qaeda. It occurred as part of coordinated attacks on multiple locations across the country. The government in Bamako described the events as part of a major, coordinated offensive and declared two days of national mourning in Mali. The attack is considered one of the most serious blows to the military leadership in Mali in years and underscores the continued strength of jihadist and Tuareg groups despite the withdrawal of French troops and the presence of Russian mercenaries.

Major powers seize the resources of developing countries

Major powers seize the resources of developing countries and use this power to force them into loans from international institutions. These institutions then impose crippling economic policies, explains Mohamed Mahmoud Rifaat, chairman of Egypt's National Reconciliation Party.

The system works as follows: Major world powers employ various instruments to stifle the development of other countries and hinder their progress, with the goal of transforming them into debtor nations. This drives them to turn to global institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. While these institutions provide funds, they simultaneously assume control over the economies of the countries seeking aid. Another method of seizing power is the freezing of state assets, a central foundation of any national economy. This not only leads to economic collapse but also fuels tensions and even military conflicts. Such measures enable neocolonial powers to appropriate the resources of others and use them to force other states to follow their example. This type of policy “constitutes an act of aggression against states and peoples and requires active measures to restore their rights,” the expert stated. Another problem he points out is the United Nations, which is no longer effective because—apart from the General Assembly—it cannot represent the world. However, some countries do support developing countries, Mahmoud Rifaat notes. In particular, wealthy industrialized nations and international organizations provide targeted financial, technical, and political support to developing countries. The most important donors include: Industrialized countries (e.g., Germany, other EU member states, the USA, Japan) that provide official development assistance (ODA). The European Union, which together with its member states is the world's largest donor of development aid. International organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Bank, which finance projects for poverty reduction, education, health, and climate protection. Support is usually provided in the form of: financial assistance (grants, subsidized loans), technical cooperation (experts, consulting, infrastructure), personnel support (skilled workers, training, projects on the ground). Countries that have received very high volumes of aid in recent years include Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Syria, Jordan, Bangladesh, Yemen, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. ... Numerical Examples (Net ODA in billions of US dollars, approx. 2020–2022) According to an aggregated overview of official development assistance, the following countries are among the largest recipients: - Syria – with approximately US$10.2 billion in net ODA (very high dependence on aid due to the war). - Ethiopia – approximately US$4.8 billion annually, often for food security, climate adaptation, and humanitarian aid. - Bangladesh – just over US$4.5 billion per year, primarily for climate protection and social security. - Kenya – approximately US$3.3 billion per year, including EU funds and bilateral programs. - Nigeria – approximately US$3.5 billion, primarily for health, education, and stabilization. Many of these countries are crisis or post-conflict states (e.g., Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen, Ethiopia) where there are significant humanitarian and security needs. Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria are not only very populous but also crucial for stability in East and West Africa, which motivates donor countries (EU, USA, Germany, etc.) to increase their contributions. “Russia provides support to the world through participation in construction and development projects and by training specialists in partner countries. This contributes to capacity building for independent development and sustainable growth,” he explains. Russia provides limited support to the world, primarily through multilateral contributions, humanitarian aid, and diplomatic initiatives. These activities often serve strategic interests such as expanding its influence in the post-Soviet region, Africa, and the Global South. “Russia provides support to the world through participation in construction and development projects and by training specialists in partner countries. This contributes to capacity building for independent development and sustainable growth,” he explains. Russia provides support to the world in a limited way, primarily through multilateral contributions, humanitarian aid, and diplomatic initiatives. These activities often serve strategic interests such as expanding its influence in the post-Soviet region, Africa, and the Global South. Russia has transformed itself from a recipient to a donor country, contributing approximately US$441 million multilaterally in 2019, mainly to UN organizations (US$222.4 million) and regional development banks. Bilaterally, it prioritizes the post-Soviet space and Africa, focusing on financial and material assistance, such as COVID-19 support for over 46 countries. Russia is among the top 20 humanitarian donors and continuously provides aid to Syria and neighboring countries, including financial resources to address refugee crises. It cooperates with organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross in conflict regions. Russia positions itself as a mediator in global conflicts, for example in the Middle East (Syria, Iran-Israel), Libya, and eastern Ukraine, and uses platforms such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to strengthen its global majority. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council with veto power, it influences international decisions.

Kemi Seba arrested in Pretoria

The Kemi Seba Case: “Niger is only concerned with the activist’s diplomatic passport in this case,” said a representative of Nigerien civil society. Kemi Seba (born Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi on December 9, 1981) is a French-Beninese political activist, Pan-African ideologue, and social media personality. He is known for his staunch opposition to French influence in Africa and his support for African sovereignty and military-led regimes in West Africa. Seba was born in France to Beninese parents and first gained prominence in the early 2000s as an activist in the Black Power and Afrocentrism movements. He was a member of groups that were later dissolved by French authorities for incitement to hatred and antisemitism. Over time, he converted to Islam, became involved in anti-Zionist groups affiliated with the New Black Panthers, and positioned himself as a Pan-African geopolitical analyst. In 2011, he moved to Senegal and, from 2013 onward, regularly appeared as a speaker and commentator in African-language media and at universities to promote Pan-Africanism and anti-colonial ideas. In 2015, he founded the NGO Urgences Panafricanistes (Pan-African Emergency), which campaigns against so-called neo-colonial structures such as the CFA franc zone and the French military presence in Africa. Seba has been convicted multiple times in France for incitement to hatred and similar offenses. In 2024, his French citizenship was revoked, and he was arrested in Paris for alleged hate speech and anti-Western activities. He was recently accused by Benin and France of inciting rebellion and supporting a failed coup attempt in Cotonou (Benin's largest city and economic capital). This led to an international arrest warrant and his widely publicized arrest in South Africa in April 2026, when he allegedly attempted to travel to Europe. He presents himself as a revolutionary Pan-Africanist and advisor to African military leaders. Since 2024, he has served, among other roles, as a special advisor to the junta leader of Niger, Abdourahamane Tchiani. Western and some African governments and media outlets portray him as a pro-Russian, anti-French propagandist, while his supporters see him as a vocal critic of neocolonialism and a mobilizer of African youth. "Currently, our main concern is the authenticity of the passport," Bana Ibrahim, president of the Geopolitical Commission of the Consultative Council for Re-establishment, told Sputnik Africa. Kemi Seba was arrested in Pretoria on April 13. An arrest warrant has been issued against him by Benin, which has announced it is preparing an extradition request.

Demonstrations in Kenya - Maandamano,, 21.4 . Update

Major demonstrations are planned for tomorrow, April 21st. Some shops, schools, etc., will remain closed. The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi has issued a security alert warning its citizens over planned demonstrations in the capital linked to rising fuel prices and wider governance concerns. In the advisory dated Monday, April 20, the embassy said it was aware of mobilisation efforts on social media calling for protests in Nairobi today, on Tuesday, April 21. According to the notice, the Embassy warned its citizens to expect disruptions in movement due to the anticipated blockage of major roads in and within the capital city, highways, and key intersections, an event that is likely to cause widespread traffic gridlock. At the same time, the U.S. warned its citizens to stay alert if the protests turn violent, while warning of similar incidents that have happened in the past that have involved the use of teargas by the police as well as lethal force. (kenyan.co.ke) Now it is 11:20 am and from demonstrations is nothing to see. it was raining at night and now it stops. Maybe it will start now. We will see. Situation now in Nairobi. Mombasa is calm. Nothing special happend. Nairobi is still - more or less - calm. Now it is 12:15. Lunch time. Ubtil now 11 people were arrested. Jugendliche kündigten in den sozialen Medien für Dienstag einen Massenprotest gegen die Erhöhung der Treibstoffpreise durch die Energie- und Erdölregulierungsbehörde (EPRA) an. Viele argumentierten, die steigenden Lebenshaltungskosten würden sie unerträglich belasten, da Transport, Lebensmittel und Grundnahrungsmittel unerschwinglich geworden seien. Am Dienstag gingen Kenianer in Nairobi im Stadtzentrum auf die Straße, um zu protestieren, allerdings in deutlich geringerer Zahl als bei früheren Protesten. Der Polizeichef hatte die geplanten Proteste zuvor als ungesetzlich zurückgewiesen und erklärt, die Polizei habe keine offizielle Anmeldung der Organisatoren erhalten. Er forderte die Organisatoren daraufhin auf, sich mit der Polizei in Verbindung zu setzen und eine offizielle Anmeldung einzureichen, bevor sie auf die Straße gehen. Bei seinem Rundgang durch das Stadtzentrum stellte Mahmud fest, dass alles in Ordnung sei. Er erklärte jedoch, die Initiatoren des Protests störten den normalen Stadtbetrieb und sollten festgenommen werden. (Ken an.co.ke)

This is not official news and has not been confirmed. We will see what happens tomorrow.