Mohamedou Ould Slahi - "The Mauritanian"

Mohamedou Ould Slahi (Arabic: محمدو ولد الصلاحي) is a Mauritanian who was detained without charge at Guantanamo Bay from 2002 to 2016. He was tortured during his detention. Born on December 31, 1970, in Roseau, Mauritania, he studied in Germany on a scholarship and graduated with an engineering degree from the University of Duisburg. In the early 1990s, he spent time in an al-Qaeda training camp and fought in Afghanistan on the side of the United States against the communist government. He then returned to Germany and tried to find work in Canada. In 2000, he returned to Mauritania. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, U.S. intelligence agencies again targeted Slahi. He was captured in Mauritania and transferred to Jordan, where he was interrogated for eight months. He was then taken to Afghanistan and, on August 4, 2002, to Guantanamo Bay. At Guantanamo, Slahi was tortured: He was subjected to sleep deprivation, isolation, extreme temperatures, beatings, and sexual humiliation. In one incident, he was blindfolded and taken out to sea on a boat in a mock execution. According to his lawyer, Nancy Hollander, then-US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld personally ordered the use of "special interrogation techniques" against Slahi. Slahi was detained at Guantanamo Bay until October 17, 2016, having spent over 14 years there. After his release, he returned to Mauritania. In 2022, Slahi filed a lawsuit against the Canadian government. He claimed that faulty intelligence from Canadian authorities contributed to his detention in 2002. He sought $35 million in compensation. While imprisoned at Guantanamo Bay, Slahi learned English and handwritten a 466-page diary—"The Guantanamo Diary." His lawyers gave the manuscript to journalist Larry Sims, who edited the book. The memoir was published in 2015 while Slahi was still being held without charge. It was the first work by a Guantanamo detainee to be published. A restored, uncensored version was released in 2017. "The Guantanamo Diary" became an international bestseller and later served as the basis for the 2021 film "The Mauritanian

." Since his release, Slahi has been active as a human rights activist and speaker. He gives lectures on inner leadership, civic courage, and the importance of communication in difficult situations.

The US plans to open an Ebola quarantine center in Kenya

The US plans to open an Ebola quarantine center in Kenya. As of the end of May 2026, the ongoing Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda has a total of 1,262 suspected and confirmed cases and at least 241 deaths. The actual number of cases could be significantly higher, as data collection is difficult in the conflict region. Would you like to see the figures as a graph (e.g., a timeline of cases from mid-May) or a breakdown by country/province? A Kenyan court has temporarily suspended the US plans to open the facility. At the heart of the dispute was a planned facility for US citizens who would be exposed to the rare Ebola virus, which is spreading in northeastern Congo. Protesters argued that a quarantine facility in Kenya could increase the risk of the virus spreading, while critics deemed the plan politically and ethically problematic for the host country. The question here is: why Kenya? Why aren't infected individuals being treated in the country where they were infected? The answer could be that US officials have implemented more comprehensive strategies to reduce the likelihood of Ebola being imported into the United States. These include screening passengers, directing travel to designated points of contact, and implementing testing protocols. The suspension of restrictions is significant because containing an Ebola outbreak depends on both the logistics of containment and public acceptance. Even if the medical goal is to prevent transmission, public confidence and sense of security can determine whether screening and isolation measures are feasible. As a result, the American response has, in practice, taken on international dimensions: Instead of caring for all exposed individuals within the US, the plan relies on quarantine facilities abroad. Kenya's lawsuit demonstrates how legal proceedings and public concerns can rapidly alter operational options. @wikipedia

Ebola Outbreak in Africa

Ebola Outbreak in Africa: A 2026 Perspective on the Global Response The year 2026 marked another chapter in the ongoing fight against Ebola, particularly as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Uganda battled recent outbreaks. Understanding this situation requires a look at the historical context of Ebola, the reactions from various stakeholders globally, and the implications of these outbreaks for public health, society, and international cooperation. Such an exploration reveals the complexities of managing infectious diseases in an interconnected world. Ebola, first discovered in 1976, is a viral hemorrhagic fever that has claimed thousands of lives in Africa over the decades. The 2014-2016 outbreak in West Africa was one of the most severe, prompting global attention and a significant humanitarian response. Since then, outbreaks have continued to evolve in various African regions, with the DRC often at the epicenter. By 2026, the DRC and Uganda faced new challenges as the virus re-emerged in more virulent strains, highlighting the necessity for constant vigilance and robust healthcare systems. In response to these outbreaks, international organizations, governments, and NGOs ramped up their efforts. The World Health Organization (WHO) played a crucial role in coordinating responses, deploying emergency response teams, and securing funding for vital resources, including vaccines and treatment facilities. The rollout of the rVSV-ZEBOV vaccine, which proved effective during earlier outbreaks, was central to the regional strategy, offering a preventive measure for healthcare workers and close contacts of infected individuals. However, responses were not uniform across all sectors. Local governments in the DRC and Uganda often faced logistical challenges, such as strained healthcare infrastructure and limited funding. Some regions experienced an initial reluctance among communities to engage with health officials due to mistrust born from historical grievances, particularly in areas where past interventions were perceived as coercive or culturally insensitive. This aspect highlights the importance of involving communities in public health efforts, fostering trust, and understanding cultural dynamics. From a historical perspective, the persistence of Ebola in Africa is deeply connected to broader systemic issues. The legacy of colonialism created enduring socio-economic challenges that hinder comprehensive healthcare development in many African nations. Consequently, countries like the DRC struggle with a fragmented health system that becomes particularly vulnerable during disease outbreaks. Critics argue that global health strategies often overlook long-term needs, inadvertently treating the symptoms rather than the root causes of public health crises. On the other hand, there is a strong argument for improved international collaboration. The 2026 outbreak galvanized a global response including African Union support and partnerships with foreign governments and NGOs. Countries previously affected by similar outbreaks, like Sierra Leone and Guinea, offered insights and lessons learned from their experiences, enhancing the overall effectiveness of the response. This collective effort illustrates how crises can create opportunities for solidarity and knowledge sharing, pushing nations towards a more unified approach to health challenges. Nonetheless, the situation remains precarious. As Ebola strains evolve, public health officials face the daunting task of ensuring vaccines and treatments can adapt as well. The global supply chain for medical resources remains a concern, particularly given the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Access to vaccines remains inequitable, raising fundamental questions about the responsibilities of wealthier nations in supporting vaccine distribution and healthcare infrastructure in lower-income countries. The implications of these outbreaks extend far beyond immediate health concerns. Economic stability, cultural practices, and social cohesion are significantly affected. For instance, lockdown measures and public health interventions can disrupt local economies, leading to increased poverty and socio-economic inequalities. This reality calls for a more holistic approach to epidemics, one that encompasses health, economic stability, and social welfare.

Africa is the victim - Code Noire

“Africa is the victim”

– time for compensation demands, says an expert from Niger regarding the abolition of the French slavery law. But more precisely, it wasn't slavery that was abolished in France just now, but rather an old slavery law, the Code Noir, that was formally repealed in 2026; slavery itself had already been abolished in France in 1848. The Code Noir had regulated slavery in the French colonies since the 17th century and, despite the abolition of slavery in 1848, had never been formally repealed. The National Assembly has now voted unanimously to repeal it; according to reports, Senate approval was still pending, or the repeal took place on May 28, 2026. The Code Noir was enacted in 1685 under Louis XIV. If you count from this year to 1856 (a year in which slavery still existed in French colonies? No, it was finally abolished in 1848), you don't arrive at 371 years. In fact, the Code Noir is not a law abolishing slavery, but rather a set of rules for maintaining and regulating slavery in the French colonies. It codified the inhumane conditions, but did prohibit certain excesses (e.g., marriage between slaves without permission, but also the separation of families? – partly yes, partly no, rather contradictory). The vote by French parliamentarians to repeal the Code Noir should pave the way for a serious discussion about reparations, explained Ibrahim Salifou Bako, president of the civil society organization United Niger Federation. According to the expert, the history of the slave trade and slavery needs to be re-examined, but this responsibility lies primarily with African heads of state and government. African countries should use this French decision to demand reparations, he added. And that is precisely the crux of the matter. While the formal repeal of the Code Noir is only a symbolic act (since it has not been applied since 1848), it opens the door, both legally and politically, to the question of reparations. This does not automatically condemn France to paying reparations, but it does intensify the debate. Here are the key facts that explain the current situation: After the abolition of slavery in 1848, France paid 126 million gold francs—not to the freed slaves, but to the plantation owners as compensation for the loss of their "property." This would be equivalent to approximately 27 billion euros today. This historical fact is a central justification for current demands. Today's demands from activists and politicians in the overseas territories (such as Guadeloupe) call for a "genuine reparations program." They argue that the Code Noir caused "lasting historical, cultural, social, economic, and psychological damage" that is still evident today in structural racism and economic inequality (e.g., extremely high unemployment). President Macron's official stance was to support the repeal and, for the first time, not to object to the term "reparations." However, he warned against "false promises." He rejects concrete monetary payments—he sees reparations more as a process of truth, education, and coming to terms with history. France was not automatically obligated to make payments. But the formal abolition of this inhumane law sends a powerful political signal. It has so starkly highlighted the credibility gap between today's republican values ​​and the historical injustice that a renewed legal or political review of reparations now seems more likely.

Official handover in Senegal

Official handover of powers in the Prime Minister's office between outgoing Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and his successor, Ahmadou Al Aminou Lô. Sonko is seen by young Senegalese as a fighter against the elites, while critics view him as a rabble-rouser. He is polygamous and has two wives, but presents himself as a defender of religion and tradition. Ahmadou Al Aminou Lô is considered a technocrat with close ties to financial and regulatory circles, and President Faye tasked him with guiding Senegal through its economic challenges.

Ethiopia opens new regional airport

Another airport has opened in Ethiopia, continuing the government's efforts to expand regional air connections. The newly opened airport is Negelle Borena Geda Airport (also known as Negelle Borana Airport) in the Oromia region of southern Ethiopia. The airport was inaugurated by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Wednesday, May 27, 2026. The airport is Ethiopian Airlines' 24th domestic destination. Three weekly flights will operate from the airport immediately. The airport is designed to accommodate larger aircraft, including the Boeing 737 Max. It aims to improve access to the southern region and promote local, cross-border, and tourism. This airport completes a trio of new domestic airports announced by Ethiopian Airlines in February 2026 – the other two, Gore Metu and Debre Markos, have already commenced passenger operations. The expansion is part of Ethiopia's broader efforts to improve connectivity across the country. Ethiopian tiktem @https://iol.co.za/news/africa/2026-05-27-ethiopia-opens-new-regional-airport/

Ebola Outbreak in DRC and Uganda

Russia Develops Ebola Vaccine Against New Strain: Health Minister “Russia is probably the only country that has so-called ready-to-use vaccines*. We are also already developing a vaccine against a new Ebola strain,” said Mikhail Murashko. On May 17, the WHO declared the Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda, caused by the Bundibugyo virus, a public health emergency of international concern. Russia is supporting the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and neighboring Uganda in the fight against the current Ebola virus outbreak (Bundibugyo strain) with mobile laboratories, experts, and diagnostic equipment. The assistance includes: - Mobile laboratories: The DRC received two mobile laboratories in 2020. Similar units have also been deployed to Uganda for rapid on-site testing. - Deployment of experts: A team from the Russian Federal Service for Consumer Protection and Information Security (Rospotrebnadzor) is conducting epidemiological investigations in Uganda. - Diagnostics and vaccine development: Russia is supplying its own testing systems. A vaccine has also been developed that is intended to be effective against the current virus variant. Due to the high number of cases (over 80 confirmed cases in the DRC), the WHO declared the situation an international public health emergency in mid-May 2026. In May 2026, an Ebola outbreak occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda, caused by a rare Bundibugyo variant of the virus. This variant had only been identified twice before: in Uganda in 2007 and in the DRC in 2012. There are no approved vaccines or specific treatments for it, only supportive therapy. In May 2026, an Ebola outbreak occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda, caused by a rare Bundibugyo variant of the virus. Scale of Spread As of May 24, 2026, the German Red Cross (DRK) (which operates according to the seven Fundamental Principles of the Red Cross: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence, voluntary service, unity, and universalism) had registered 82 confirmed cases of infection and 7 deaths. Other estimates suggest that the number of alleged Ebola deaths in the country has exceeded 200, while the total number of reported infections is around 900. At that time, 5 cases of infection had been confirmed in Uganda, one of which was fatal. The virus had spread undetected within a few weeks before the outbreak was officially acknowledged. The first known case recorded by the DRK was in the town of Bunia at the end of April, but according to the WHO, the outbreak likely began in a mountainous region from where infected individuals spread the virus, including to Bunia. Factors Contributing to the Spread The humanitarian crisis and armed conflicts in the region facilitated the displacement of people, making it more difficult to control the spread of the virus. This made it harder to identify and isolate contacts. Armed groups were operating in the region, hindering access to health services and the implementation of anti-epidemic measures. In eastern Congo, where the outbreak occurred, limited logistics and the remoteness of the affected areas slowed the response. Early testing did not always correctly identify cases caused by the Bundibugyo virus. In some cases, relatives of patients attacked hospitals and refused to remove the bodies of the deceased, posing additional risks. Spread The infection spread beyond Ituri, with cases recorded in South Kivu province, several hundred kilometers from the original outbreak site. The infection was also detected in a DRC citizen who was being treated in Kampala (the capital of Uganda) and died on May 14. By May 25, several additional cases had been confirmed in Uganda. Response Measures The DRC, Uganda, and South Sudan have agreed on a joint action plan to contain the epidemic in the Great Lakes region. The CDC, WHO, UNICEF, and other organizations participated in developing the plan. Strengthened control measures. Strict hygiene measures have been implemented in affected areas, including mandatory mask-wearing and hand hygiene. Activities are underway to inform the public and combat misinformation. The situation remains tense, and experts indicate that the actual number of infections and deaths may be significantly higher than reported. *Ready-to-use vaccines are pre-developed, stored vaccine candidates that target a specific list of potential pandemic pathogens. They can be rapidly deployed, adapted, or mass-produced within a few weeks in the event of an outbreak.

"I dream of an Africa at peace with itself." – Nelson Mandela

"I dream of an Africa at peace with itself." – Nelson Mandela But today, that dream lies in ruins on the streets of South Africa. An assessment of the current situation in South Africa. Tensions are currently escalating in South Africa, with economic frustrations turning into targeted xenophobia. At the same time, the government is attempting to calm domestic tensions and maintain foreign policy unity. The current developments can be summarized in three main areas: 1. Violent tensions and polarization Several provinces are experiencing an alarming increase in xenophobic attacks: - Groups such as Operation Dudula*1) are checking identity documents in townships and have issued an ultimatum for June 30th, by which time "illegal aliens" are supposed to have left the country. Hundreds of refugees from countries like Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo sought refuge from attacks in Durban. Reports indicate looting of shops and physical assaults. Migrants report arbitrary treatment, job loss, arbitrary evictions and the pressure on families. 2. Government reactions and failures The country's economic situation is fueling anger (unemployment at almost 33%, rising inflation). The authorities' response is multifaceted: - The government emphasizes that vigilantism is illegal and announces increased border controls. Foreign Minister Lamola warns against the "demonization" of migrants. However, analysts criticize that some politicians themselves engage in "framing" that portrays migrants as competitors. Countries like Ghana are organizing repatriation flights for their citizens due to security concerns. Ambassadors from other African states have also expressed concern. 3. Geopolitical countermovement: The "Dream of Africa" At the same time, South Africa sees itself as a driving force for a united continent: - Just last week, the foreign ministers of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) met in Kruger National Park to discuss economic independence and the free movement of people. These meetings are an expression of Pan-Africanism. Minister Lamola emphasized the "shared journey to prosperity." Against this backdrop, the recent attacks on other Africans are particularly serious. What can be made of that? "Foreigners are stealing jobs" is the narrative driving the protests. The "dream of Africa" is symbolic of economic inequality: while the elites talk about free trade, the poor in the townships fear for their livelihoods. South Africa is at a crossroads: will it orient itself economically (protectionist) or culturally and African (open to migration)? The coming weeks until the ultimatum at the end of June will show whether the government can get the situation under control. And yes, it's true, the frustration is real. Unemployment is real. The pressure on housing, schools, and hospitals—it's real. South Africans are struggling, and this pain deserves to be heard, not ignored. But this pain must be directed at the right target. The migrant worker didn't cause unemployment. The foreign shopkeeper didn't create inequality. The refugee didn't build broken systems. As always, corruption is at the forefront. Leadership failure. Deep inequality. Exploitation to enrich elites and influential interest groups – why do people fight each other instead of denouncing the systems that perpetuate injustice in their societies? South Africa's mineral resources continue to leave the continent, oil in Nigerian waters enriches multinational corporations and their shareholders, and local communities are left behind. The problems are not denied. Violence is never the solution. A person is not a political problem that can be solved with fists. One can have a political opinion on migration and still refuse to take up arms against one's neighbor. Ubuntu tells us: I am because we are. A stronger South Africa will not be built by oppressing other Africans. Dignity cannot be established through violence. A future cannot be shaped by fear. *1) Operation Dudula Operation Dudula is a South African anti-immigrant movement and political organization that emerged in Soweto in 2021 and campaigns to expel undocumented (and sometimes documented) foreign nationals from local communities; its name means “force out” or “knock down” in isiZulu. - Founded in 2021 in Soweto as a grassroots community movement, it was initially led by Nhlanhla “Lux” Dlamini. - - In 2023 the group announced an intention to register as a political party and to contest elections. - Operation Dudula frames its actions as addressing crime, unemployment and pressure on services by targeting what it describes as “illegal” migrants, and it campaigns for preference for South Africans in employment and business ownership. - - Tactics have included public marches, forcing shop closures, raids on properties, and blocking access to services for people without local identity documents. - The movement has been widely described by journalists, analysts and civil-society groups as xenophobic and linked to violence and intimidation against foreign nationals; government and civil-society actors have publicly condemned many of its actions. - - Courts and rights groups have intervened in some instances, with legal orders and rulings limiting the group's ability to block services and restraining collaboration between state actors and the movement. Recent developments (select) - From 2024–2025 the movement's activities expanded beyond Gauteng into other provinces, and there were high-profile incidents of blocking migrants from health clinics and schools that attracted national media and parliamentary attention. - - Analysts and commentators have debated the movement's ideology, describing it variously as a mix of populist nationalism, community vigilantism, and in some readings, a form of localist or exclusionary pan-Africanism.

Tanzanian Innovator Gives Plastic a New, Eco-Friendly Use

Young Tanzanian Innovator Gives Plastic a New, Eco-Friendly Use

The Tanzania-based founder and CEO of Green Venture Ltd. is an entrepreneur and environmental activist from Arusha. According to his LinkedIn profile, his company recycles plastic waste into lumber and handcrafted furniture. He also states that he received training at the African Leadership Academy and Whitman College. Edgar Edmund experienced flooding as a student and now runs a plastic upcycling factory. He supplies eco-friendly materials to the tourism and construction industries that can withstand heat, humidity, and salty environments. Upcycling plastic doesn't simply recycle waste into lower-grade material (downcycling), but transforms it into higher-value, durable, or functional products. Because plastic is extremely versatile, the possibilities are vast. Here's an overview of what's being produced from upcycled plastic today:

1. Fashion, Textiles & Outdoor Gear Especially old PET bottles and fishing nets recovered from the sea (often referred to as *ocean plastic*) are sought-after raw materials for the textile industry. The plastic is cleaned, shredded, and spun into polyester yarn. - Sportswear and Outdoor Clothing: Running shirts, windbreakers, and fleece pullovers from major brands. - Shoes: Sneakers with uppers made entirely from recycled ocean plastic. - Backpacks & Bags: Sturdy everyday backpacks, travel bags, and stylish suitcases. - Swimwear: Swim trunks and bikinis made from regenerated nylon (e.g., Econyl). 2. Furniture & Home Design Plastic waste is excellent for shredding, melting, and pressing into sheets or molds. The result is often stylish, one-of-a-kind pieces with a marbled look. - Designer chairs & stools: Many furniture manufacturers now use granules made from old packaging for seat shells. - Tabletops & kitchen counters: Solid slabs that look like elegant terrazzo or marble, but are made entirely from old yogurt cups or plastic lids. - Lighting & home accessories: Lampshades, vases, storage boxes, and soap dishes. 3. Construction & outdoor areas (urban upcycling) Here, upcycled plastic often replaces wood or concrete because it is extremely weather-resistant and does not rot. - Decking (WPC): A composite material made of wood fibers and recycled plastic that never needs painting. - Street furniture: Park benches, trash cans, bollards, and even playground equipment. - Road construction & paving slabs: In innovative projects, plastic waste is processed into durable road surfaces or paving stones. 4. Everyday Products & Office Supplies Many startups and initiatives use small machines (like those of the open-source movement *Precious Plastic*) to produce everyday items directly on-site: - Office supplies: rulers, pen cases, clipboards, and laptop stands. - Entertainment & Leisure: skateboards, sunglasses frames, phone cases, and even surfboards. The key difference: True upcycling aims to significantly extend the life cycle of the material (e.g., from a disposable bottle to a durable designer chair). The goal is to remove plastic from the waste stream and transform it into something lasting. Watch the video to learn how its solution creates jobs and addresses environmental problems.

Key to disaster preparedness in Africa

Partnership, solidarity, and data sovereignty are key to disaster preparedness in Africa: Ethiopian Commissioner

Cooperation must be strengthened to safeguard sovereignty in disaster preparedness and reduce the continent's vulnerability to natural and man-made disasters, said Shiferaw Teklemariam, Ethiopia's Commissioner for Disaster Preparedness. Sovereignty in disaster preparedness is so important because it ensures that a state can independently decide on protective measures, coordinate resources, and provide aid according to its own priorities. This is the only way to adequately consider legal frameworks, cultural contexts, and local risks. Furthermore, sovereignty enables rapid, unbureaucratic decision-making without dependence on external actors. Especially in cross-border disasters, state sovereignty remains crucial for directing aid, upholding sovereign rights, and building long-term resilience—always in conjunction with international cooperation. A key aspect of disaster preparedness is the reduction of man-made (anthropogenic) disasters. These include, for example, industrial accidents, oil spills, forest fires caused by negligence, and nuclear incidents. This highlights the importance of national sovereignty, because only a sovereign state can: - Issue binding safety standards (e.g., for chemical plants, dams, or the transport of hazardous materials) and independently monitor compliance. - Establish emergency plans for industrial areas without having to wait for external approvals. - Strengthen environmental and occupational safety laws to prevent risks such as illegal waste disposal or unsafe working conditions. - Conduct independent investigations after an accident to determine the causes and prevent recurrence. Without these sovereign powers, external actors (e.g., operators of multinational facilities) could undermine the country's security interests. At the same time, experience shows that many severe man-made disasters (such as Bhopal or Fukushima) are also due to inadequate state control – underscoring the need for strong, effective sovereignty in disaster preparedness. Ethiopia is building reliable capacity for humanitarian aid from its own resources by increasing its strategic reserves, he explained, thus confirming the 2023–2024 Africa Biennial Report on Disaster Preparedness. He emphasized the growing awareness of the need to move away from a culture of dependency and strengthen the productivity of families and communities.

Africa is not waiting. It is building

French President Emmanuel Macron arrived in Nairobi and promised a "new chapter" in relations between France and Africa. Under the motto of the Africa Forward Summit – "Africa is not waiting. It is building" –

heads of state, CEOs, investors, and representatives of multilateral organizations gathered to exchange views in the heartfelt language of equality, partnership, and African self-reliance. The summit, co-hosted by Macron and William Ruto, was structured around seven thematic areas: energy, finance, agriculture, artificial intelligence, the blue economy, health, and industrialization. On the streets, the Kenyan police offered a different answer to the question of Africa's self-responsibility. Delegates to the Pan-African Summit against Imperialism, organized by the Communist Party of the Marxist Movement of Kenya (CPSU) – a member of the Progressive International – attempted to march to the monument of Dedan Kimathi, the anti-colonial activist executed by Great Britain in 1957. The police blocked the march, used tear gas, and arrested demonstrators. Among those arrested was Gacheke Gachihi, a member of the Council of the Progressive International. The Pan-African Summit Against Imperialism (PASAI), held in Nairobi on May 11 and 12, 2026, was organized by the Communist Party of Kenya (Marxists, CPM-K) with the support of other left-wing groups. This counter-summit was a reaction to the official "Africa Forward" summit. The Communist Party of Kenya (Marxists, CPM-K) is a political organization with Marxist-Leninist views. Its General Secretary is Booker Ngesa Omole, who previously played a key role in the transformation of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) into the Communist Party of Kenya (CPK) in 2019. Following an internal crisis within the CPM-K in 2022, triggered by the defection of some leaders to the Kenya Kwanzaa Alliance, Omole and his followers founded the CPMC. Some details regarding the role of the CPMC in organizing PASAI: The party was the main organizer of the counter-summit, which was intended to condemn France's attempts to maintain its neocolonial influence in Africa after withdrawing from several West African countries. PASAI featured international discussions between communist and anti-imperialist figures, as well as demonstrations and marches through the streets of Nairobi. The PASAI participants (· Communist Party Marxist-Kenya (CPMK): The primary organizer, led by Secretary-General Booker Omole . - The All-African People's Revolutionary Party, - the International League of Peoples' Struggle, the Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa, represented by MP Carl Niehaus), and the Global Pan-African Movement. International Delegates (Detained on May 12): - Joti Brar (UK) – Chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) . · Lee Sang-hun & Song Dan-bi (South Korea) – Representing the People's Democracy Party. - Dimitris Patelis (Greece) – Professor and founding member of the Revolutionary Theory Group. - Guy Bremond (France) – Activist. Key Kenyan Figures & Arrested Local Activists: - Ashlyn Ajiambo – CPMK International Secretary . - Julius Kamau, Gacheke Gachihi, Sayialel Mankuyio – Kenyan activists arrested alongside international delegates. - Student Leaders: Five members of the Revolutionary Student Commission (Beres Omondi, Tracy Auma, Patience Nyambura, Jobunga Samuel, Kenneth Obiero) were arrested on May 11. The summit concluded with the issuance of the "Nairobi Declaration from Below," rejecting neocolonialism and foreign military interference. Police dispersed a peaceful march on May 12, resulting in the temporary detention of many listed delegates. France was accused of using economic cooperation and development partnerships to secure political and economic influence on the continent. The CPMC condemned the repression against protesters associated with the counter-summit. After demonstrators attempted to march peacefully to the statue of Dedan Kimathi (a hero of the anti-colonial Mau Mau uprising) on May 12, police blocked them, used tear gas and stun grenades, and subsequently began making arrests. Those arrested included citizens of Kenya, Greece, South Korea, Great Britain, and France. The student wing of the CPMK reported the arrest of five members of the Revolutionary Student Commission on May 11. The party demanded the immediate release of all those arrested, an end to police harassment, and the rejection of agreements with "French imperialism". In a statement dated April 17, PASAI claimed that the agreements reached at the Africa Forward summit would “bring enormous benefits to local big capitalists and landowners”, while “the African population would be left with only suffering and poverty”. PASAI and other activists criticized the summit, focusing on the historical context of French relations with African countries, particularly the colonial era and the Françafrique model, which envisioned Paris's political and military dominance in the region. Opponents accused France of using partnership as a pretext to secure its economic and political influence on the continent. PASAI's statement thus reflected the position of a segment of African civil society that perceived the Africa Forward summit as an instrument for maintaining inequality and exploiting the continent. France arrived in Nairobi weakened. In large parts of its former colonial power in Africa, the old order of "Françafrique" has been shaken. Macron did not hide his bitterness. In Nairobi, he tried a different approach, presenting France as a champion of African sovereignty. Following military and political setbacks, France is striving to expand cultural and economic ties. Kenya has been designated the anchor project of this new strategy. At the summit, the strategy was given a concrete volume of €23 billion. Macron announced investment commitments in energy, artificial intelligence, agriculture, and other sectors, including €14 billion from French companies and €9 billion from African companies. TotalEnergies and Orange were represented. The French shipping giant CMA CGM announced it would invest €700 million in modernizing a terminal in the port of Mombasa. @Progressive International

Minister Dismisses Claims of IMF Influence

Kenyan Finance Minister John Mbadi has rejected claims that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is linked to the recent fuel price hikes in Kenya. He stated that the IMF only advises on economic matters and does not dictate specific tax measures to the government. He made this statement amid nationwide protests by transport companies against the latest fuel price increases. According to Mbadi, claims that the Bretton Woods institution instructed the Kenyan government to raise fuel prices or keep taxes high are misleading and politically motivated. Yes, the Bretton Woods institutions (International Monetary Fund, IMF, and World Bank) can influence fuel price developments in Kenya, even if they do not directly contribute to price increases. Their influence is expressed through policy measures, financing conditions, and recommendations they make in their discussions with the Kenyan government. The IMF often requires borrowing countries to implement structural reforms, including tax reforms and subsidy reductions. In the case of Kenya, the IMF has repeatedly spoken out against fuel subsidies, classifying them as regressive and ineffective because they distort the market and burden the state budget. For example, in its 2023 program review for Kenya, the IMF called for the introduction of carbon pricing, which could include a new fuel tax. This was part of an effort to reduce the negative impacts of fossil fuels and increase government revenue. In August 2023, following mass protests against rising fuel prices, the government was forced to reinstate fuel subsidies. However, the IMF criticized this decision due to a lack of funds to pay fuel suppliers and budget distortions. In May 2026, it was reported that Kenya requested new financing from the IMF to mitigate the economic consequences of tensions in the Middle East and rising global fuel prices. This suggests that the IMF could influence the country's energy policy through loan terms. The World Bank is also involved in Kenyan economic policy, but its direct influence on fuel prices is generally less than that of the IMF. In the past, the World Bank has expressed doubts about Kenya's ability to maintain its fuel subsidy program in the face of ongoing conflicts (for example, in the context of the 2022 conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the current situation in the Strait of Hormuz). The World Bank can influence the energy sector through projects and financing. For example, in 2014, the World Bank approved a $50 million project to strengthen Kenya's oil and gas capacity, including improving revenue management from these resources. Such initiatives can indirectly affect the stability and efficiency of the fuel and energy sector, but not directly affect retail prices. The most common immediate causes for rising fuel prices in Kenya are: - rising global oil prices, supply bottlenecks due to geopolitical conflicts (e.g. the situation surrounding Iran and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz). - Kenya's dependence on fuel imports from the Persian Gulf countries and disruptions in the supply chain. - regulatory decisions (e.g. price increases by the Kenyan Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority), tax policy and state budget. The Bretton Woods institutions can thus indirectly influence fuel price developments in Kenya – through financing conditions, reform recommendations, and pressure on the country's economic policy. However, the direct causes of price increases are usually external market factors and decisions made by the Kenyan government. “A reform of the international financial architecture is urgently needed,” said Kenyan President Ruto. “1.5 billion people on the African continent pay two to four times as much for development finance because they face risks,” said President William Ruto in his speech at the World City Forum in Azerbaijan. He emphasized that the financial architecture must be "adapted to the needs, requirements and demands of today's world". The president cited two paradoxes: - "The countries that most urgently need low-interest financing pay more than the countries that do not need it." - "55 African countries are not represented in the highest decision-making body of the United Nations," while "60% of the UN Security Council's agenda concerns African issues." “For the survival of the United Nations, a reform that corrects this anomaly and ensures justice is essential,” he declared. Kenya is currently under massive financial pressure. The latest figures show that the country's total debt reached 12.29 trillion Kenyan shillings (KSh) as of December 2025. For comparison: That is the equivalent of approximately 88 billion euros (based on a rough exchange rate of 140 KSh/EUR) – a record high that is significantly above the legally permitted limit of 55% of GDP. The debt is divided roughly equally between domestic and foreign sources: - Domestic creditors (approx. 6.3 trillion KSh): The money is mainly raised through government bonds issued to commercial banks, pension funds and local investors. - Foreign creditors (approx. 5.5 trillion KSh): These include primarily multilateral institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, as well as bilateral partners such as China, the largest single creditor. The burden is extremely high. Almost every second schilling the government takes in goes directly towards servicing old debts: For the 2026/27 fiscal year, 1.3 trillion KSh are earmarked for interest payments alone – this corresponds to 27% of the total budget of 4.79 trillion KSh. The figures for 2025 show that approximately 80% of total tax revenue was already being used for debt repayment. This leaves hardly any room for schools or hospitals. The high level of debt is leading to a shift in priorities. The government is even breaking its own rules: Spending on development (e.g., infrastructure) is falling below the legally mandated minimum of 30%. Investments in health and climate protection have to be drastically cut, partly because donor countries are reducing their support. In short: Kenya is trapped in a debt trap – the majority of its revenue goes towards interest payments, leaving hardly any money for urgently needed future investments.

@https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/123551-cs-mbadi-dismisses-claims-imf-influence-fuel-hike-kenya

Gospel singer died

The gospel singer who was attacked with gasoline and fire by unknown assailants has died in hospital from her injuries. She suffered second-degree burns over 70 percent of her body. Authorities reported that she died Monday morning. After being attacked, doused with gasoline, and set on fire by unknown assailants in the Mwiki district of Nairobi, she fought for her life at Kenyatta National Hospital. The attack sparked public outrage. Initial reports suggested it may have been politically motivated. News of her death was confirmed by a fellow singer. He stated that she died from her burns and was in urgent need of a blood transfusion. It is clear that violence is escalating in Kenya. This casts a dark shadow over the upcoming elections next year. It can be assumed that the violence before and likely after the elections could reach devastating proportions.

A nationwide strike in the transport sector in Kenya

No confirmed news: 2 killed in Thika, Makongeni. shoits in a village about 200 km north of Nairobi. Police habe shot. No injured person reportet. The President and Chairman of the Matatu Owners Association (MOA), Albert Karakacha, has called for dialogue with the government over the rising price of fuel in the country and the ongoing strikes. While speaking in a press interview, he stated that MOA and all the Matatu conglomerates are ready to sit down with the government to avert the transport paralysis that has dominated major cities across the country. "We are urging them to sit down with us; we are ready to sit down with them if they are willing, and if they won't do so, we will still continue with the strike, because we cannot push the price to the common mwananchi," stated Karakacha. Karakacha was adamant that the government's failure to retaliate would result in continued industrial action, with transport set to be paralyzed in the coming days. Situation in Kenya, May 18, 2026 A nationwide strike in the transport sector Three people have been reported dead following an accident involving boda boda riders during fuel price protests in Kimbo, Ruiru, on Monday, May 18. Two other people were injured in the incident, which occurred amid ongoing demonstrations over rising fuel prices that have caused transport disruptions across the country. According to reports reaching Kenyans.co.ke, the boda boda riders were speeding away after allegedly attempting to avoid paying tolls imposed by protesters along the road. The riders reportedly collided during the chaos, leading to the fatal accident that resulted in deaths and injuries.

began at midnight. The reason is a significant increase in fuel prices last week. In a statement released Sunday, the transport industry alliance announced that all vehicles belonging to participating associations would be grounded as part of coordinated industrial action across the country. The strike is supported by numerous sub-sectors of the transport industry, including passenger transport companies, freight and logistics companies, ride-hailing services, motorcycle taxi drivers, tourism companies, driving schools, school bus companies, and private drivers. Live video:

It is very calm. Here, where i am, no motion on the street. Some bodaboda were passing, but very view, less as your fingers on one hand. Murkomen spoke at Harambee House on the evening of Monday, May 18, where he described the deaths unfortunate as he blamed political elements for the violence and mayhem that was witnessed in several counties, including Nairobi, Nakuru, Kajiado and Kakamega. The CS also divulged that in the wake of the protests, 348 suspects linked to the unrest had been arrested. He maintained that the government would firmly deal with those behind what he described as organised criminal activity disguised as demonstrations. “Looting businesses and vandalising public property can in no way bring down oil prices. Disrupting transport and destroying livelihoods will only worsen the situation facing Kenyans,” Murkomen said. @kenyans.co.ke https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2026-05-18-no-transport-monday-as-matatus-strike-begins

Ebola outbreak in DRC and Uganda

An Ebola outbreak has been confirmed in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda on Saturday, There have been eight confirmed laboratory cases, 246 suspected cases, and 80 suspected deaths reported in Ituri Province of the DRC across at least three health zones: Bunia, Rwampara, and Mongbwalu. In Uganda’s capital, Kampala, two confirmed cases, including one death, were recorded on Friday and Saturday among travelers arriving from the DRC. A confirmed case was reported in Kinshasa involving a returnee from Ituri. WHO Declares Ebola Outbreak In DR Congo, Uganda International Emergency After 80 Deaths. Aa Ghebreyesus cautioned that the outbreak is likely much larger than the current figures suggest, citing the high positivity rate of initial samples, cross-border confirmations, and increasing reports of symptoms.

The US excludes South Africa from G20 events

The US excludes South Africa from G20 events

. Foreign Minister Lamola criticizes the double standard. The US, under President Trump, is excluding South Africa from G20 events during the US presidency in 2026. Trump announced via social media that South Africa would not receive an invitation to the 2026 G20 summit in Miami, Florida. He justified this with allegations against the South African government (including alleged persecution of white farmers, land expropriation, and misconduct during South Africa's G20 presidency in 2025). At the same time, he announced that he would halt payments and subsidies to South Africa. The US, as host of the 2026 summit, has excluded South Africa from planning meetings (e.g., Sherpa and finance minister meetings). There have already been instances where South African delegations were denied accreditation. South Africa is a full member of the G20 (since its inception as a forum). There is no formal mechanism for a single host to exclude a member. Many see this as a breach of G20 rules and a precedent. South Africa and the African Union (AU) are protesting strongly and have called on other G20 members to take action. Pretoria speaks of "punitive measures" and "misinformation." The conflict already escalated in 2025: The US largely boycotted the G20 summit in Johannesburg (due, among other things, to agenda items such as climate change, equality, and criticism of Western policies). The ceremonial handover of the presidency was chaotic. South Africa was also excluded from G7 events. The tensions are linked to broader bilateral issues (including the US-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act, tariffs, and South Africa's BRICS engagement). In summary, this is an unprecedented, politically motivated decision by the US as host, which is being criticized internationally but is currently in effect. The situation could still change through diplomacy or pressure from other G20 countries. The US exclusion of South Africa from G20 events sends a worrying signal: Africa and the Global South continue to be treated as unequal partners, Ronald Lamola declared on the sidelines of the BRICS foreign ministers' meeting in Delhi. He emphasized that South Africa is a full G20 member, and no country—not even the presidency—can unilaterally block another member's participation, according to the forum's founding rules. While Pretoria welcomed all nations, including the US, to its G20 meetings, South African delegates now face obstacles to accessing events on American soil, the foreign minister stated. South Africa remains committed to the G20 process and is eager to see the other members' reactions to this exclusion, Lamola added.

Analysis of Macron's visit to Kenya

In his 2023 consultation on "Rethinking Western Liberal Democracy for Africa", former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo*1 steadfastly defended his position that Western liberal democracy had not proven effective for the continent.

The former president argued that the Western model did not take into account Africa's unique history, culture, and traditions. As organizer of the meeting, Obasanjo explained that the Western style of democracy in Africa was faltering because it neglected the opinions of the majority. He claimed that the government's representation of only a fraction of the people led to the exclusion of the majority. Obasanjo described Western liberal democracy as "a government of a few people over the whole people" and criticized its inability to fully represent the diverse population. He argued that African countries should adopt what he calls "Afro-democracy" and assured that they should not operate a system of government in which they have no hand in its definition and design. Obasanjo delved further into the weaknesses and failures of liberal democracy, tracing them back to its history, its content, and its context. He questioned the exclusion of the minority in a system that claims to be based on the rule of the majority. In his keynote address, the former president called for a critical examination of the practice of liberal democracy. He called on the participants, including leading figures from academia and people with political experience, to identify the shortcomings of the current system and to propose ideas and recommendations for a more suitable governance model. This is a good starting point for analyzing French President Emmanuel Macron's visit to Kenya. Emmanuel Macron's visit to Kenya and the Africa Forward Summit in May 2026 will reignite the debate on reshaping Western liberal democracy in the African context. There are several reasons for this: France's efforts to rethink its relationship with Africa, the historical traumas of colonialism, and the ongoing debate about the suitability of Western political models for the continent. The Africa Forward summit in Nairobi focused on strengthening France's relations with English-speaking African countries. Macron announced investments of around $27 billion in the African economy, with a focus on energy, artificial intelligence, and agriculture. He also emphasized his desire for "strategic autonomy" for Europe and Africa, which he believes would strengthen their positions in the world. Macron's visit and his behavior (for example, his sharp rebuke of the audience during a youth forum for noise disturbance) provoked mixed reactions. Some interpreted it as a sign of respect for order, others as paternalistic. This reflects a broader discourse on the role of external influences in African affairs. Discussions about a realignment of Western democracy in Africa are not new. Obasanjo proposed the concept of "Afro-democracy"—a system of government based on African traditions and values. Among the problems he identified with the Western model were: A majority system that ignores minorities. In his view, liberal democracy often degenerates into a "government of the few over all". The competitive nature of the party system intensifies centrifugal forces in multi-ethnic African societies and divides society. Incompatibility with cultural realities. Traditional African societies often practice consensus decisions instead of majority decisions. Other critics pointed out that the Western model of democracy in Africa often leads to corruption, one-party dictatorships, ethnic conflicts and economic problems. Discussions about redesigning democracy in Africa have proposed various approaches: - Consensus model. Based on traditional African practices where decisions are made after lengthy discussions until a near-unanimous agreement is reached. - Mixed systems that combine modern democratic principles with local traditions, such as elements of community government or elder mediation. - Cultural sensitivity. Some concepts, for example, emphasize the importance of a balance between individual initiatives and community solidarity. At the same time, proponents of a redesign of democracy emphasize that this does not mean the complete abandonment of democratic principles, but rather their adaptation to African realities. Not related to Macron's visit Macron's visit and his initiatives can be viewed within the context of these discussions. On the one hand, his focus on investments and partnerships can be understood as an attempt to strengthen economic relations without directly imposing political models. On the other hand, the historical legacy of colonialism and the continuing external influence (for example, through international financial institutions) continue to fuel skepticism regarding the true motives behind such initiatives. Macron's visit to Kenya and the Africa Forward summit are taking place against the backdrop of an ongoing dialogue about what democracy in Africa should look like – as a system that takes into account local historical, cultural and social characteristics, rather than simply copying Western models. In the context of Africa, "strategic autonomy" usually refers to the EU's efforts to strengthen its capacity for action in foreign, security, and economic policy, among other things, through a restructured relationship with Africa – often with the aim of decoupling itself from competing powers (e.g., China, Russia) in terms of raw materials, energy, and infrastructure. At the same time, the debate is viewed critically by African nations because the question of Africa's own strategic autonomy is also central to the issue. Africa plays a central role in the European logic of "strategic autonomy" as a supplier of raw materials and energy (e.g., critical minerals, green hydrogen) and as a market for infrastructure and economic projects. Initiatives such as the "Global Gateway" or corridor projects (e.g., the Lobito Corridor) aim to diversify supply chains and reduce EU dependence on other powers by strengthening European cooperation with Africa. In its current discourse on Africa, the EU speaks of a "partnership on equal terms" to gradually transform traditional development cooperation into an economic and political partnership. The aim is to strengthen Africa as an equal partner in the implementation of climate goals, industrialization, and the circular economy, thereby simultaneously improving its own strategic autonomy (securing raw materials, migration, energy). In African debates, “strategic autonomy” is often understood as independent agency, not dictated by the EU agenda: Africa should be able to develop its own industrial policies, trade rules, and security structures, instead of primarily being a supplier for European autonomy projects. Critics warn that many EU projects—even when formulated as “autonomy”—can reinforce existing structures of dependency, for example through unequal trade agreements or infrastructural dependencies. The risks The realignment of Western liberal democracy in the African context is fraught with risks stemming from historical, cultural, political, and economic factors. These risks can hinder the development of sustainable democratic institutions and lead to new challenges. In the absence of clear alternative models, or when attempts to adapt to democratic institutions fail, there is a risk of strengthening authoritarian tendencies. Research has shown that in countries where the economic, social, and cultural prerequisites for freedom and self-governance are not yet in place, democracy can only fulfill destructive functions. Under such conditions, the establishment of an autocracy is sometimes perceived by the population as a means of ending anarchy and tyranny. Examples from African history show that multi-party systems, in the context of ethnic, tribal, social, economic, and religious contradictions, can become an instrument for destabilizing society. This creates the conditions for anti-democratic forces to come to power through democratic means. African societies are often characterized by high ethnic, religious, and regional diversity. Attempts to reshape democracy could exacerbate these disparities if new models of government fail to balance the interests of different groups. For example, a majority system that ignores minorities can reinforce centrifugal forces and divide society. Artificial geographical boundaries from the colonial era continue to cause tension. People with a shared ethnic identity feel separated by national borders, which sometimes leads to conflict. There is a risk that the redesign of democracy will become merely a formal process without genuine change. Foreign institutional innovations imposed by force could be rejected, only partially implemented, imitated, or adapted to existing conditions instead of being transformed. This can lead to the emergence of a "sham democracy" in which the external characteristics of a democracy (elections, political parties) are present, but no genuine citizen participation in governance or the protection of their rights is guaranteed. Liberal economic models, often accompanied by democratic reforms, do not always take into account the realities of Africa. Neoliberal policies, focused on market growth and privatization, have in some cases exacerbated economic hardship, widened the gap between rich and poor, and perpetuated dependence on foreign aid and investment. This undermines the democratic ideals of equal opportunity and social justice. Western democratic norms and practices are not always compatible with the cultural diversity of African societies. Issues such as LGBTQ+ rights, gender issues, and secularism can clash with traditional and national beliefs and norms in certain communities. This can lead to social polarization and weaken social cohesion. The redesign of democracy can serve as a pretext for geopolitical rivalries between external powers seeking to promote their own models of government and exert influence over African countries. This can take the form of economic pressure, support for specific political forces, or even military intervention. Many African countries lack strong democratic institutions, and corruption and poor governance remain serious problems. Without strengthening institutional foundations, any attempts to reshape democracy could prove ineffective. Corruption and a lack of transparency in governance exacerbate mutual distrust between social groups and undermine trust in democratic processes. Conclusion Reimagining Western liberal democracy in Africa is a complex and multifaceted process that must take into account the continent's historical, cultural, economic, and political specificities. Neglecting these factors could lead to increased authoritarianism, ethno-religious conflict, sham democracy, growing inequality, and external interference. The success of such efforts depends significantly on the ability to develop inclusive governance models that reflect the diversity of African realities, as well as on strengthening institutions and combating corruption. *1 is a Nigerian politician, general and statesman who played a central role both as a military ruler and as the democratically elected president of Nigeria.

Violent attacks are on the rise in Kenya

A Kenyan woman was attacked with acid after getting a tattoo of Ruto's face on her shoulder.

A Kenyan woman in Nairobi was brutally attacked with acid after getting a tattoo of President William Ruto's face and the slogan "Tu-Tam" (for a second term). The incident sparked nationwide outrage and heated online debate. She had previously attracted attention after getting a tattoo of President Ruto's face (reportedly on her chest or shoulder) and the slogan "Two-Term" (for a second term). This led to controversy and, according to reports, even a separation from her husband. On the night of the attack, she was confronted by three masked men who allegedly demanded that she tell them what Ruto had given her. This referred to her assumption that she was receiving money or favors from the president because of her tattoo. When she denied owning anything, the men reportedly doused her with acid and set her hair on fire. She was subsequently admitted to Uzima-Uhai Hospital with severe burns, including to her neck, chest, and face. Violent attacks are on the rise in Kenya. Fuel prices are now being raised. This is the second time. The first increase sparked demonstrations, after which Ruto lowered the price slightly, only to raise it again yesterday. No officially coordinated nationwide demonstration against fuel prices is planned in Kenya for this Monday. However, a strike and fare protests by transport companies will begin on Monday due to the increased fuel prices. Protests against the high prices have already taken place in Nairobi and other cities. An immediate 50% fare increase to offset the recent fuel price hikes. A nationwide strike starting Monday. Warnings have been issued that roads could be blocked and public transport disrupted until the government responds to fuel costs. This means that disruptions to public transport are expected on Monday, even though the action is being conducted as a strike/industrial action and not as a traditional street protest.

In April 2026, protests led by the opposition and youth against record fuel price increases took place in Nairobi and other cities, resulting in clashes with police and arrests. Activists and opposition politicians have repeatedly called for demonstrations against fuel prices and the rising cost of living. On Monday in Nairobi, depending on the specific circumstances, expect traffic disruptions, a police presence, possible road closures, and some businesses being closed. Previous strikes and protests in the city have also caused delays at the airport, on public transport, and on main access roads to the city center. What is likely: - Allow extra time for travel, especially around the city center and the airport. - Possible detours or road closures on major roads. - Increased security measures, such as police operations or access restrictions in certain areas. @https://www.aerotelegraph.com/ticker/nairobi-streik-legt-kenias-groessten-flughafen-lahm/d70cdh @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c363096kd5po @https://de.euronews.com/video/2025/07/07/kenianische-polizei-vertreibt-demonstranten-mit-tranengas-in-nairobi @https://www.theonlinekenyan.com/daily/2026-05-15/matatu-fares-jump-50pc-as-operators-protest-fuel-prices @https://citizen.digital/article/matatu-fares-increased-by-50-operators-call-for-countrywide-strike-over-fuel-prices-n382771

Political Violence in Kenya

In the run-up to the 2027 elections, Kenya is experiencing escalating tensions and isolated incidents of political violence, raising concerns about the country's stability. Kenyan elections have long been marred by violence, and current developments suggest a resurgence. The current situation is as follows. As of May 2026, Kenya has recorded the following: Isolated acts of violence at political rallies. A culture of incitement and provocation. Some politicians deliberately provoke the police at events, thus exacerbating tensions. The use of thugs to intimidate voters and participants at political events. The spread of disinformation on social media, including the use of platforms such as WhatsApp and X to incite ethnic hatred. The Independent Policy Office of the African Union (IPOA) has expressed concern about the growing culture of confrontational politics, provocative rhetoric, and the use of mercenaries at political events. The organization called on political leaders to exercise restraint in order to prevent the violence from escalating into a national crisis. The IPOA also recommended strengthening the intelligence service to prevent outbreaks of violence, improving community policing, providing training in crowd control techniques, and respecting human rights. Historical Background Kenyan elections have repeatedly been marred by violence, particularly during the reintroduction of the multi-party system in 1991. Key examples include: 1992–1993: Ethnic clashes in the Rift Valley and other regions resulted in hundreds of deaths. 2007–2008: Post-election violence claimed over 1,100 lives, displaced approximately 600,000 people, and was accompanied by widespread human rights violations, including sexual violence. 2017: Violence flared up again after the elections, including cases of sexual violence and clashes with police. The violence was often linked to power struggles, control of resources (especially land), and ethnic tensions. State actors sometimes encouraged or tolerated the violence and used militias to suppress the opposition. Risk Factors for the 2027 Elections Historically, violence is more likely when an incumbent president runs for reelection. High debt, youth unemployment, and rising prices could exacerbate social unrest. Weak Institutions: Despite reforms, challenges remain regarding the independence of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEBC) and the effectiveness of law enforcement. Use of digital technologies for manipulation. The spread of disinformation through AI and social media could intensify polarization. The following measures are recommended to mitigate risks: - Strengthening the independence of electoral authorities; - Strengthening civic engagement to prevent ethnic polarization; - Increased accountability in cases of provocation and violence; - Development of early warning systems for conflicts; - International attention and support for human rights reforms. Many actions of political leadership, the effectiveness of institutions, and response depend on society.

Human Rights, Napoleon and Ibrahim Traoré

“Human rights did not originate in Europe” – Ibrahim Traoré sparks debate with a compelling thesis on African history .

Europeans often claimed human rights as their own achievement, but ignored colonial violence and racism – Napoleon symbolizes this as the "savior of liberty" in France, but an oppressor elsewhere. Postcolonial thinkers like Aimé Césaire see this as hypocrisy: rights were for "themselves," not for the subjugated in Africa or Haiti. This statement addresses a common criticism of the Eurocentric understanding of human rights, which is often portrayed as universal, while historically it has been shaped and selectively applied by European actors. Napoleon Bonaparte exemplifies this ambivalence. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 originated during the French Revolution and proclaimed liberty, equality, and fraternity – but it primarily applied to white, tax-paying men in Europe. It codified Enlightenment ideas from Rousseau and others, but remained limited to European borders and served to legitimize bourgeois rule. Napoleon spread the Napoleonic Code, which established equality before the law and property rights across Europe, and saw himself as the heir of the Revolution. At the same time, he reintroduced slavery in the colonies in 1802, affecting hundreds of thousands of Africans and Caribbeans, and suppressed universal claims in favor of imperial expansion. His wars caused millions of deaths, which critics like Louis Adolphe Thiers later denounced as a violation of revolutionary ideals. Burkina Faso's President, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, is once again challenging the prevailing Western narratives – this time about the origins of human rights. This is a fascinating and entirely justified correction to the often very Eurocentric view of history. It's true, because while the Enlightenment in Europe undoubtedly provided an important framework for the codification of modern human rights, the ethical and philosophical roots are scattered worldwide and are in some cases thousands of years older. Here is an overview of the global milestones that show that the yearning for freedom and dignity is not a purely European phenomenon: 1. The Code of Hammurabi (Mesopotamia, ca. 1750 BC) One of the oldest law books in the world. Even though the punishments were cruel by today's standards (an eye for an eye), it established the principle that law takes precedence over the pure arbitrariness of the ruler. He was meant to "protect the weak from the strong." 2. The Cyrus Cylinder (Persia, 539 BC) Often referred to as the "world's first declaration of human rights." After the conquest of Babylon, the Persian king Cyrus the Great proclaimed: - The liberation of the slaves. - The right to free choice of religion. - Equality of ethnicities. 3. Ashoka's Edicts (India, 3rd century BC) After his conversion to Buddhism, Emperor Azoka ordered the erection of stone pillars throughout South Asia. His edicts demanded: - Religious tolerance. - Fair treatment of servants and prisoners. - Social welfare and non-violence. 4. The Mandi Charter (West Africa, 1222) Long before the French Revolution broke out, the Mali Empire under Sundiata Keïta proclaimed the Charter of Kurukan Fuga. It contained provisions regarding: - Abolition of slavery (in certain contexts). - Inviolability of human life. - Equality and environmental protection. And now Traoré referred to the famous Kurukan Fuga Charter of the Mali Empire. His message was clear: Africa already possessed systems for the protection of dignity, justice and social order long before the emergence of many modern Western states. Important historical facts: - The Kurukan Fuga Charter dates from 1236. - It is considered by many historians to be one of the earliest constitutional documents in the world. - She dealt with governance, community rights, conflict resolution and social responsibility. Some scientists argue that it also included protective measures for women, families, and vulnerable groups. - UNESCO recognizes them as part of Africa's important oral heritage. Traoré's comments reflect a growing movement across Africa: the endeavor to reclaim African history, its intellectual achievements and its political identity from the narratives of the colonial era. Africa did indeed possess systems for the protection of dignity, justice, and social order long before many modern Western states emerged. This thesis will be examined in more detail through examples and an explanation of the principles. Traditional systems of justice and social organization. - Council of elders: In many African societies (for example, among the Bantu, Yoruba and Zulu), councils of elders played a central role. They settled disputes, imposed punishments, and enforced customs. Decisions were made jointly, taking into account the interests of the entire community. - Principles of Ubuntu (South Africa): The philosophy "I exist because we exist" emphasizes the interdependence of people. Justice does not aim at punishment, but at restoring social peace. Conflicts were resolved through dialogue and reconciliation. - Customary law: Unwritten norms passed down from generation to generation. They regulated matters of property, marriage, inheritance, and trade. Examples: Adat among the peoples of West Africa, Raadi among the Somalis. Mediation and reconciliation: Instead of punishment, reconciliation rituals, compensation, and public apologies were frequently used. Among the Igbo (Nigeria), conflicts were resolved through the Ohanefu system – mediation by respected members of the community. Among the Maasai (Kenya/Tanzania), elders acted as arbitrators in disputes over cattle or land. - Women's councils and gender equality: In many cultures (e.g., the Yoruba), women had their own councils and influenced decision-making. In the Ashanti Empire (Ghana), the queen mother (Omanhenema) played a key role in appointing chiefs and overseeing their actions. Historical examples of developed African states - Empire of Mali (13th–14th centuries): Under Mansa Musa (1312–1337), an effective system of government was established. Courts based on Islamic and customary law ensured the administration of justice. Trade and the protection of merchants' rights were promoted. - Kingdom of Benin (12th–19th centuries): Complex bureaucracy with a clear hierarchy of officials. The royal court tried serious crimes. Local tribal leaders settled minor disputes. Known for its highly developed art and urban planning. - Ethiopia (from antiquity to the 19th century): Fetha Negest ("Right of Kings", 15th century) – a legal code that combined biblical, Roman-Byzantine, and local norms. A system of regional rulers (Ras) who were subordinate to the emperor. Protection of the rights of peasants from the arbitrary power of feudal lords. - Ashanti Empire (18th–19th centuries, present-day Ghana): The central council under the Asantehene (head) included representatives of all clans. The "Golden Chair" symbolized the unity and legitimacy of power. A well-developed network of trade routes and the protection of traders' rights were guaranteed. - Sokoto Codex (Somalia): The Heer system is customary law that regulates relations between clans. The council of elders (Shura) mediated conflicts between clans. The principle of collective responsibility for maintaining peace. Key principles of African systems - Collective responsibility: The well-being of the community takes precedence over individual interests. - Restoration instead of punishment: The goal is to restore social equilibrium. - Community participation: Decisions are made publicly and with the involvement of all stakeholders. - Flexibility: Standards are adapted to changing conditions without formal "reforms". Many legal norms had a religious and moral basis. Comparison with Western models Aspect: Traditional African systems: Western models (pre-modern): Purpose of justice: Restoration of peace: Punishment and isolation: Decision-making: Collective (councils, assemblies): Hierarchical (judges, monarch): Sources of law: Customs, traditions, consensus: Written laws, decrees: Role of the community: Central: Limited: Punishments: Compensation, reconciliation, banishment: Imprisonment, executions, fines Long before the emergence of modern Western states, African societies developed: - effective mechanisms for conflict resolution; - Social security and support systems; - principles of justice based on collective consent; - Institutions that ensured stability and development. These traditions have not disappeared: many elements (for example, the principles of Ubuntu or the role of elders' councils) continue to shape legal and social practice in Africa. They also represent a valuable contribution to the global dialogue on justice and governance. Whether you agree with him or not, one thing is certain: Africa's historical contributions to civilization are being discussed more loudly than ever. Why is it often perceived as "European"? Perceptions are strongly influenced by legal history. In Europe, these concepts were incorporated into a systematic, secular legal system during the Enlightenment (Locke, Rousseau, Kant), which became politically effective on a global scale through documents such as the "Bill of Rights" (USA) or the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen" (France). However, the idea that every human being possesses an inviolable dignity simply by virtue of their existence is a universal heritage of humanity, deeply rooted in the spiritual and philosophical traditions of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. The idea that every human being possesses inviolable dignity simply by virtue of their existence is indeed a universal heritage of humanity. It is not only found in modern Western human rights concepts, but is also deeply rooted in the spiritual and philosophical traditions of diverse cultures—including, and especially, African, Asian, indigenous, and Middle Eastern systems of thought. In many parts of Africa, the dignity of the individual was grounded in the ethos of Ubuntu: «Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu» (Zulu/Xhosa): “A person is a person through other people”. Human dignity is not individually isolated, but collectively rooted: it arises and is maintained through relationships, solidarity, and communal action. Justification and conflict resolution do not primarily aim at punishment, but at restoring social harmony — which protects the dignity of all involved. Confucianism (China): The term ren (仁) — humanistic goodness that is due to all people. Dignity results from moral education and social responsibility. Buddhism (South, Southeast and East Asia): Acceptance of the dignity of all living beings (ahimsa, non-violence). Every being has the potential for enlightenment — a metaphysical justification of dignity. Hinduism (India): Atman — the inner self, which is divine and therefore inviolable. The principle of dignity transcends social classes (although not always practiced historically). Jewish tradition: Man as the “image of God” (Gen 1:27) — every person possesses an inviolable dignity through their order of creation. Christianity: Equality of all people before God; dignity is founded on love and mercy. Islam: The Quran emphasizes the honor (karama) of all people (Sura 17:70). This dignity is not earned, but given by God. Indigenous worldviews Many indigenous peoples (American, Australian, Siberian) share the belief: -'Human dignity is part of a larger cosmic network of relationships — with other humans, animals, plants and spirits. Responsibility and respect are the foundations for maintaining this dignity. The idea did not originate in the "West" only in modern times: Stoics (e.g., Seneca, Marcus Aurelius): All people share reason (logos) and are therefore of equal worth. Inner freedom and virtue are the bearers of dignity—independent of social status. Cicero: Law and justice must protect the dignity of the person; justice is a duty towards every human being. These diverse traditions were incorporated into the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) in the 20th century: Article 1: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.” This text does not merely reflect a single culture, but attempts to formulate a global consensus on the inviolable dignity of man. The concept of inviolable human dignity is not an "export" of a single culture, but rather the result of a long, global dialogue between religions, ethics, and philosophies. Its universality lies precisely in the fact that different peoples and traditions—independently of one another—have arrived at similar insights. Human dignity is not based on achievement, possessions or power, but on the mere existence of a human being. This shared heritage challenges us today to understand human rights not as an “imported” idea, but as a collective achievement of all humanity — which we must protect and develop together.