Terrorism and Human Rights in Kenya

In Kenya, legal experts, human rights organizations, and civil society groups have raised concerns about the misuse of terrorism charges to target activists, political opponents, and citizens, thereby undermining the justice system. Critics argue that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) of 2012 and other security laws are sometimes used to suppress dissent rather than address real threats. They believe this undermines the criminal justice system and harms suspects. Legal and security experts, including former Law Society of Kenya (LSK) president Eric Theuri, point out that many terrorism charges lack sufficient evidence. This frequently leads to dismissals or withdrawals and undermines public confidence in the police, prosecutors, and the judiciary. Theuri emphasized that such charges are often politically motivated and damage the reputation of suspects, potentially leading to their inclusion on terror watch lists, even when cases are dropped due to weak evidence. He proposes a system of judicial review to filter out unfounded allegations early on and thus avoid stigmatization. Patrick Osoi, a security expert trained in counterterrorism, shares these concerns, arguing that some terrorism charges appear to be politically motivated to suppress dissent rather than address real threats. He calls on authorities to thoroughly investigate suspects' actions and intentions before bringing such serious charges. The Working Group on Police Reforms, a coalition of civil society organizations, criticizes the use of POTA to maintain public order, particularly in cases where over 100 protesters were charged with terrorism offenses, arson, and money laundering during the anti-government protests in June and July 2025. It warns that this practice threatens civil liberties and Kenya's credibility in the global fight against terrorism. The case of human rights activist Boniface Mwangi illustrates this problem. He was originally arrested for "aiding and abetting terrorist activities" during the June 25 protests, but the charge was downgraded to possession of ammunition after police found tear gas canisters and blank cartridges in his office—items protesters often collect as evidence of police brutality. Mwangi and others argue that these charges are being used to criminalize dissent, particularly among youth protesting against President William Ruto's government. The LSK also criticized Chief Justice Martha Koome for her comments linking the arson of the Kikuyu law courts to terrorism. She argued that her statement encouraged law enforcement agencies to misuse the POTA against protesters instead of pursuing appropriate charges under the Criminal Code or the Protection of Public Order Act. Koome later clarified that her comments referred specifically to this incident and did not constitute wholesale support for the terrorism charges. She emphasized that prosecutorial decisions must be based on evidence. The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) defends the use of terrorism charges, arguing that they are supported by evidence and that the protests were "calculated and coordinated acts of violence." However, critics, including the Kenyan chapter of the International Commission of Jurists, argue that this approach constitutes a "comprehensive assault on Kenyan democracy" by allowing for arbitrary arrests and trumped-up charges against young protesters. Kenya's recourse to POTA in genuine counterterrorism cases, such as al-Shabaab attacks, is well known. However, its application to public order cases is increasingly being scrutinized. Experts argue that this abuse not only undermines the credibility of the justice system but also risks alienating communities and weakening international counterterrorism partnerships. In essence, experts point to a pattern in Kenya where legitimate efforts to combat terrorism are sometimes overshadowed by practices that undermine basic human rights, compromise fair trial standards, and ultimately weaken public confidence in the justice system. There are repeated calls for stronger oversight, accountability mechanisms and a commitment to upholding human rights, even in the face of security threats.

What is the biggest challenge on Africa's path to agricultural transformation?

What is the biggest challenge on Africa's path to agricultural transformation? Africa's path to food sovereignty: investing in people, power, and politics, according to the Togolese minister. "Africa can achieve food sovereignty by investing in people, young people, and women, investing in skills, combining entrepreneurship with innovation, and creating real opportunities," said Mila Aziablé, Togo's Minister of Water and Sanitation, at the UN Food Systems Summit "Stocktake +4" in Addis Ababa. Effective policies play a critical role in accelerating food system transformation, she said. The biggest challenge on Africa's path to agricultural transformation is the slow and limited commercialization and scaling of agricultural technologies, as well as systemic constraints such as inadequate infrastructure, limited access to high-quality inputs, weak market development, and insufficient government support. Despite available innovations—such as improved seeds, irrigation, and storage technologies—many smallholder farmers cannot afford them on a large scale. This leads to low productivity and hampers broad-based agribusiness growth. Additional critical bottlenecks include: – Lack of rural infrastructure (roads, energy, water) and input distribution systems that connect farmers to markets and reduce post-harvest losses. – Fragmented and underdeveloped agricultural ecosystems and market structures, exacerbated by limited access to finance and weak policy frameworks. – Impacts of climate change (unpredictable weather, drought), land degradation, and water scarcity, which threaten sustainability and yields. – Challenges regarding land tenure and legal rights for large-scale agriculture, which limit investment and scale-up. Overall, the transformation requires coordinated efforts to increase productivity, improve market systems, expand infrastructure, promote investment, and strengthen governance and private sector engagement. Supporting the public sector to create enabling environments and mobilize investment is critical for scaling this progress and unlocking Africa's agricultural potential. The core challenge, therefore, is to close the gap between innovation and agricultural commercialization on the ground and to achieve scale-up in a complex environment of infrastructural, financial, climatic, and institutional constraints.   @https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Generic-Documents/Feed_Africa-_Strategy_for_Agricultural_Transformation_in_Africa_2016-2025.pdf @https://www.kearney.com/documents/291362523/291364838/Africas+Agricultural+Transformation+Opportunity.pdf/e51ad72e-99de-2cac-7512-e0f93398819a?t=1580148305000 @https://fspnafrica.org/international-policy-ep25-malabo-declaration-the-race-to-transform-food-system-by-2025-can-africa-meet-its-goals/ @https://acetforafrica.org/research-and-analysis/insights-ideas/commentary/agricultural-transformation-in-africa-the-myths-key-issues-and-the-new-pathway/ @https://www.aatf-africa.org/why-commercialization-is-key-to-africas-agricultural-transformation/ @https://thriveagric.com/resources/hectare/top-5-challenges-with-agriculture-in-africa-and-how-thrive-agric-is-tackling-them @https://www.weforum.org/stories/2024/06/science-based-strategy-key-africa-agricultural-transformation/ @https://www.dudutech.com/659-2/ @https://emergingag.com/acat-2025-addressing-the-agricultural-imperative/ @https://farmonaut.com/africa/5-key-steps-for-resilient-african-agriculture-and-food-systems

Swarup Mishra and kidney transplant in Kenya

Swarup Mishra and kidney transplant Dr. Swarup Mishra, founder and owner of Mediheal Group of Hospitals, is currently under serious investigation and criminal probe regarding allegations of involvement in an illegal kidney transplant and organ trafficking scandal. A government taskforce has recommended criminal charges against him over massive irregularities and suspected international organ harvesting linked to the kidney transplant operations at his hospital in Eldoret, Kenya. The investigation uncovered questionable documentation, suspicious patient data, and indications that the hospital operated as a transplant tourism destination, charging premium prices. President William Ruto suspended Dr. Mishra as Chair of the Kenya Biovax Institute in April 2025, following these allegations, and the Health Cabinet Secretary halted all transplant procedures at Mediheal Hospital pending audit and investigation. The report implicated other senior doctors at Mediheal as well and recommended the establishment of stronger regulatory mechanisms for transplant services nationally. However, Dr. Mishra has publicly denied any involvement in organ trafficking and insists that no Kenyan kidneys have been exported, asserting that all foreign transplant patients came with legitimate documentation. He maintains that all transplant surgeries at Mediheal Hospital followed the law and were authorized procedures. In summary, Swarup Mishra is at the center of a kidney transplant-related organ trafficking investigation with criminal charges proposed based on a government taskforce report, while he denies the allegations and defends the legitimacy of the transplant operations at his hospital. Swarup Mishra and President William Ruto have had a complex relationship with elements of both support and political tension. Mishra has publicly expressed strong support for Ruto's vision for Kenya, praising his leadership and pledging commitment to serve his agenda. Mishra even urged voters to support Ruto for president and himself for MP on an independent ticket, emphasizing no personal grudge against Ruto despite political differences and campaigning independently. However, President Ruto suspended Swarup Mishra from his role as chair of the Kenya BioVax Institute in April 2025 amid investigations into organ trafficking allegations linked to Mishra’s Mediheal Hospital, and later officially fired him in July 2025. Despite this, Mishra has apologized to Ruto for opposing him in previous elections, showing they maintain some level of political rapport. In summary, while Swarup Mishra has been a political supporter and expressed friendship toward William Ruto, the relationship has also seen significant strain due to legal and political conflicts, including Mishra’s suspension and dismissal from a government appointment by Ruto. @https://www.kbc.co.ke/mishra-i-strongly-support-president-rutos-vision-for-kenya/ @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/politics/swarup-mishra-vote-for-ruto-as-president-and-myself-as-your-mp-3832076 @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001516837/swarup-mishra-suspended-as-kenya-biovax-chair @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/charles+githinji-kenya+biovax+institute+limited-president+william+ruto/174292/president-ruto-fires-mediheal-hospital-founder-swarup-mishra-as-kenya-biovax-chair-appoints-charles-githinji-as-successor @https://thekenyatimes.com/latest-kenya-times-news/ruto-fires-mediheal-founder-swarup-mishra-as-kenya-biovax-institute-chair/ @https://www.citizen.digital/news/ruto-fires-ex-mp-swarup-mishra-appoints-githinji-as-new-kenya-biovax-institute-boss-n365797 @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/business/politics/article/2001482041/im-sorry-mishra-now-tells-ruto-for-going-against-him-in-last-years-polls @https://www.citizen.digital/news/govt-taskforce-proposes-criminal-charges-against-swarup-mishra-over-mediheal-kidney-transplant-saga-n366772 @https://x.com/RadioCitizenFM/status/1950117065873928244 @https://x.com/Hot_96Kenya/status/1950111417098547574 @https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2025-07-29-ex-mp-mishra-denies-mediheal-exported-kenyan-kidneys @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/how-ex-mp-mishra-made-millions-in-organs-trade--5130936 @https://www.instagram.com/p/DMe6K6KNfCm/

How could William Ruto stay in power?

How could William Ruto stay in power? One thing is certain: he wants to stay in power. It was not for nothing that William Ruto announced at his inauguration as President of Kenya on September 13, 2022, that he was the "leader." The ceremony took place at the Moi International Stadium Kasarani in Nairobi. This event marked his official assumption of the presidency following his election victory on August 9, 2022. A report made by a Kenyan politician is currently being discussed in Kenya. It concerns whether President William Ruto is planning a constitutional coup. This is currently a hotly debated topic. There have been several reports from various politicians. Cleophas Malala, a former senator, called for the government to be dissolved and new elections held before 2027. He said the current government no longer reflects the will of the people. Diana Gichengo, coordinator of the Institute for Social Accountability (TISA), accused Ruto of violating the constitution and called for impeachment. President Ruto himself responded to the "Ruto Must Go" calls by urging his critics to propose constitutional ways for a transfer of power and not resort to violence. It is quite difficult to answer the question "Is President William Ruto planning a constitutional coup?" Providing an answer here would be tantamount to trying to foresee the future, and no one can. There is no clear evidence that President William Ruto is planning a constitutional coup in Kenya. The term "constitutional coup" typically refers to the manipulation of legal or constitutional processes by a politician to consolidate their power, often by undermining democratic institutions or expanding their rule. Current sources and sentiments on X raise concerns about Ruto's actions, but these remain speculative and lack concrete evidence. However, there are some statements by William Ruto that are worth noting. For example, on June 17, 2025, Ruto publicly declared that he would not hand over power to the opposition. This statement alarmed many Kenyans, as it is viewed as a disregard for the constitutional order and the democratic process. This sentence carries a lot of weight. What does it mean constitutionally? According to the Kenyan Constitution, the peaceful transfer of power after an election is mandatory. Even if an incumbent president refuses to attend the ceremony, the transfer of power will still take place. Ruto's statements have therefore been classified by legal experts and activists as dangerous and potentially unconstitutional. It is clear that these statements did not go unnoticed, and time has shown us this. Protests against Ruto have intensified since 2024, particularly following the death of a blogger in police custody and the passage of a controversial finance bill. The police used brutal tactics against demonstrators, sometimes with fatal consequences. Human rights organizations report over 100 deaths. The repercussions were not lost, and Ruto is facing growing criticism. Criticism comes from both the opposition and sections of the population, especially the younger generation. Many accuse him of undermining democratic principles and displaying authoritarian tendencies. Whether this can be called a "constitutional coup" depends on whether Ruto is actually attempting to override the constitution—for example, by manipulating the next election or refusing to transfer power. It's still a scenario, but the concern is real. This concern is also real because there have been numerous kidnappings and extrajudicial killings in Kenya, and these are rarely or not at all prosecuted. Albert Ojwang, who was beaten to death in police custody, including by prisoners who were instructed by the police, is only halfway through being addressed. Upon his arrival at the police station, the DCI officers said the order came from the very top. So far, the investigation has focused on Samson Talam, the Officer Commanding Station (OCS) at the Nairobi Central Police Station. He was arrested in connection with the murder in Eldoret. According to a statement by Constable James Mukhwana, Talam allegedly received instructions from Deputy Inspector General Eliud Lagat to "discipline" Ojwang and passed these instructions on to Mukhwana. The most important constitutional mechanisms in Kenya are primarily enshrined in the 2010 Constitution. This Constitution represents the highest source of law and guarantees the absolute validity of the Constitution over all other laws, which must be constitutionally compliant (Article 2). Core mechanisms include: - Fundamental rights: Systematized and significantly reformed, fundamental rights prevail over all other laws and must be respected by all state organs. Every individual is a direct holder of fundamental rights, and there are comprehensive procedures for violations of fundamental rights, including court proceedings and human rights commissions. - Democratic rights: These include freedom of political parties, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, and voting rights, which are enshrined in the Constitution for the first time, thus clearly committing Kenya to party democracy (Articles 36-38). - Executive and separation of powers: Executive power is exercised by the President and Cabinet, but with checks and balances such as parliamentary approval for the appointment of Cabinet members (Articles 131 et seq., Article 152, paragraph 2). - Electoral Commission: The Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) is enshrined in the Constitution as an independent body (Article 41, paragraph 1) and is responsible for conducting free and fair elections, voter registration, and constituency allocation. - Party Law and Party Financing: The Constitution recognizes the right to form and join political parties. The registration and regulation of political parties has so far been handled primarily by the Registrar under the Societies Act, which has been criticized. A new Political Parties Act is intended to create more transparent and fairer rules, including disclosure of party finances and a state fund for party financing. - Rule of law and justice: The Constitution guarantees the right to a fair trial, access to legal recourse, and detailed procedural rights (Articles 48-50). These mechanisms, together with the high constitutional status, the enshrinement of fundamental and human rights, the separation of powers, the institutional independence of the Electoral Commission, and the rights to political participation, have formed the core of Kenya's constitutional order since 2010. @https://www.facebook.com/groups/1075936805923542/posts/samson-talam-the-officer-commanding-station-ocs-at-nairobis-central-police-stati/2749045251946014 @https://www.quora.com/Is-it-normal-to-keep-thinking-of-the-same-scenario-over-and-over-but-with-a-slight-change-of-detail-It-is-a-realistic-scenario-btw-And-how-can-I-make-it-go-away-as-this-has-been-bothering-me-for-years @https://www.brookings.edu/articles/kenya-presidential-elections-and-the-rule-of-law @https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DvRjOO9FjdiY @https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3D8u0H0r98MlQ @https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DcBy8rC9s0oo @https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/03278.pdf @https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=ebb4bf30-b902-52ee-cb6d-616d195e32c2&groupId=252038 @https://d-nb.info/1318877415/34 @https://www.kas.de/en/web/kenia/laenderberichte/detail/-/content/das-verfassungsreferendum-in-kenia-ein-gebot-der-stunde1 @ http://www.kenyalaw.org/kl/index.php?id=398 @https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/kenia/02120-booklet.pdf @https://www.gtai.de/de/trade/kenia-wirtschaft/gesetze @https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenia @https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/999620/fad94440cbc8a9ed7e6323693b3e7d3d/WD-2-015-24-pdf.pdf @https://www.giga-hamburg.de/assets/pure/24533012/gf_global_1104.pdf

Ndindi Nyoro has accused President William Ruto of jeopardizing the country's future

A Kiharu MP named Ndindi Nyoro has accused President William Ruto of jeopardizing the country's future with his government's opaque financing plan. He claimed that more than Sh469 billion was collected in one year through future taxes and levies without parliamentary approval. The former chairman of the Budget and Appropriations Committee cited the Sh44.7 billion outstanding bonds issued by Linzi Finco to finance the construction of the Talanta Sports Stadium, the Sh175 billion borrowing through the securitization of the fuel levy, Sh50 billion for the intelligence agency, and Sh200 billion for internal security, which, he emphasized, were not utilized. The question of whether William Ruto's fiscal policy truly jeopardizes Kenya's future is complex and is the subject of intense debate in Kenya and internationally. There are both supporters and critics of his approach. The main points of the fiscal policy and the associated concerns are: An aggressive tax policy and the need to increase revenue. Ruto has emphasized the need to increase tax revenues to reduce reliance on borrowing and advance fiscal consolidation. The Finance Bill 2025 contains several amendments aimed at broadening the tax base and streamlining tax administration. The concerns are manifold. Critics fear that the aggressive tax increases contained in the originally proposed Finance Bill 2024 (which was partially withdrawn after protests) and the current Finance Bill 2025 could burden the economy, reduce citizens' purchasing power, and dampen business activity. There have also been criticisms of a lack of transparency and public participation in the development of these measures. Ruto is focusing on infrastructure and social programs (Bottom-Up Economic Transformation Agenda - BETA). His government prioritizes spending on key areas such as health, education, food security, youth development, and affordable housing. The bottom-up economic model is intended to strengthen small businesses and farmers. And again, there are concerns. Financing these ambitious projects requires significant resources. Although the government has announced austerity measures and efficiency improvements, the question remains whether revenues will be sufficient and whether the projects can be financed sustainably without further increasing the debt burden. Kenya has a rising national debt. Kenya has the highest debt service cost-to-revenue ratio in the world. A significant portion of government revenue goes towards servicing interest payments. The government still plans to borrow, both externally and internally, to cover the budget deficit. Concerns are inevitable with this move. Rating agencies such as Moody's have downgraded Kenya's credit rating due to increased debt and the limited ability to implement tax-based fiscal consolidation. Continued reliance on loans poses the risk of a debt spiral, especially in an environment of high global interest rates. There are also concerns that official debt statistics understate the true financial situation. Transparency and the fight against corruption are impossible in Kenya. President Ruto has advocated for transparency in the allocation of housing and the use of funds. However, his administration has also been plagued by allegations of corruption and scandals. There are concerns here too. The extent of corruption in Kenya remains a major concern. When funds are used inefficiently or lost through corruption, it undermines the country's fiscal policy and ability to achieve its development goals. Critics accuse the government of failing to take sufficient steps to combat corruption, which could undermine investor and citizen confidence. In short, William Ruto's fiscal policy aims to increase tax revenues and reduce reliance on loans while attracting investments in key sectors of the economy. However, there are significant concerns about the sustainability of the debt, the impact of fiscal policy on the economy, and the ongoing challenge of corruption. Whether these policies "put Kenya's future at risk" depends on how successfully the government achieves its goals, how efficiently funds are used, and whether it succeeds in maintaining public and investor confidence. The debate on this is ongoing and is likely to remain a central theme in Kenyan politics and business. @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001525203/nyoro-accuses-ruto-of-gambling-countrys-future-in-finance-deals  @https://www.facebook.com/capitalfmkenya/posts/president-william-ruto-has-assured-kenyans-that-the-allocation-of-affordable-hou/1150299467137430

Mwabili mwagodi found dumped

Mwabili Mwagodi, a Kenyan activist, was reported missing in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on Wednesday, July 23, 2025. He was found alive on Sunday morning, July 27, 2025. Mwabili Mwagodi, a Kenyan human rights activist, was found alive after allegedly being abducted in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. He was found abandoned in a bush in the Kinondo area, near Diani, Kwale County, Kenya. After his discovery, he managed to contact his family, who then alerted human rights organizations such as Vocal Africa and Muslim for Human Rights (MUHURI). He was subsequently taken to Pandya Hospital in Mombasa for a medical examination and is scheduled to be flown to Nairobi to be reunited with his family. His personal belongings had been stolen, and he appeared visibly distressed. Mwagodi later reported to local police but was nearly arrested; human rights advocates intervened to secure his release. He is a vocal critic of President William Ruto's church fundraising and had been subjected to threats before his abduction. Mwabili Mwagodi is known as a vocal critic of Kenya's Kwanzaa government and a supporter of the #OccupyChurch movement. His family expressed concerns for his safety, claiming he was under surveillance and threatened due to his involvement in the June 2024 Gen Z protests.

is William Ruto the most disliked president in Kenya’s history?

When William Ruto was elected president, Kenyans assumed things would soon improve. But that didn't happen; quite the opposite; things got worse. William Ruto had promised a lot, but almost nothing was implemented. Ruto's government struggled with rising inflation, unemployment, and high taxes (e.g., the controversial Finance Bill 2023, which introduced new taxes amid public outcry. It was taken to the Supreme Court as unconstitutional and approved as legal a year later). The abolition of fuel and maize flour subsidies exacerbated the economic hardship of many Kenyans. Ruto ran as a "rogue," promising to help the poor. However, many believe his policies (such as tax increases) have done more harm than good to citizens. His about-face on key promises (e.g., lowering food prices, reducing debt) has fueled accusations of dishonesty. And then there were the anti-government protests of 2023, 2024, and 2025, which resulted in police crackdowns with live ammunition, resulting in deaths and injuries and damaging his human rights record. His dismissive remarks (e.g., telling Kenyans that "life is hard") and his lavish spending (such as a KSh 200 million helicopter) while citizens suffer have angered many. For example, since taking office in September 2022, President William Ruto has faced considerable criticism and growing unpopularity. However, whether he is the most unpopular president in Kenya's history is debatable. A comparison of William Ruto to his predecessors has already been mentioned. In short, he is in good company. It is difficult to call William Ruto the most unpopular president in Kenya's history. Antipathy is subjective and fluctuates over time, often related to specific policies, the economic situation, or social unrest. Ruto, Kenya's fifth president since September 2022, has faced significant backlash, particularly in the past three years. Protests, which have resulted in over 100 reported deaths, have been fueled by grievances such as aggressive tax hikes, high living costs, allegations of corruption, and police brutality. The slogans "Ruto Must Go" and "Ruto Wantam" (Ruto for One Term) reflect a broad, youth-led movement that is unusually united across ethnic, religious, and social lines. Analysts such as Mark Bichachi have described this public anger as "unprecedented" and "historic," surpassing even the resistance during the repressive one-party state under Daniel arap Moi in the 1980s and 1990s. Social media is amplifying this discontent: Kenya's digitally savvy youth are pushing narratives like "We are all Kikuyus" to reject ethnic division—a departure from the political dynamics of the past. Some sources, such as a July 2025 BBC article, point to Ruto's frustration at being singled out in comparison to predecessors like Moi, Mwai Kibaki, and Uhuru Kenyatta, who also faced criticism but arguably not to this extent and intensity. One newspaper headline even asked whether Ruto was "Kenya's most hated president"—a sentiment echoed online. However, historical context makes the label “most unpopular president” difficult. Moi, who ruled for 24 years, was notorious for political repression, human rights abuses, and a 1982 coup attempt that sparked terror. His era was marked by brutal crackdowns, but public opposition was often muted or less visible due to limited media coverage and the absence of social media. Kibaki faced a backlash during the 2007 electoral violence that left over 1,200 people dead and 600,000 displaced, partly as a result of Ruto’s political actions at the time. Uhuru Kenyatta, Ruto’s former ally, was criticized for corruption and economic stagnation, but his time in office did not see comparable sustained protests. Dr. Njoki Wamai argues that criticizing presidents in times of crisis is a Kenyan tradition. Ruto's backlash is not an isolated incident, but is only amplified by today's digital landscape. Ruto's defenders point to his 2022 election victory, in which he positioned himself as a "hustler" against elite dynasties, thus appealing to underemployed youth. While his policies, such as universal health care and fertilizer subsidies, had positive effects, critics argue these are overshadowed by broken promises, such as the failure to reduce the cost of living. His nicknames—Zakayo (tax collector), El Chapo, Kasongo—reflect public frustration over perceived greed and betrayal. He is referred to as "least liked" or "most loathed" in social media posts. In the short term, Ruto's disapproval ratings (according to TIFA and Infotrak polls) were historically low. Some surveys showed dissatisfaction exceeding 70% in 2024. However, Moi's era was far more brutal (arrests, killings), while Kenyatta's corruption was more systematic. Ruto's unpopularity is not over yet – if the economic problems and repression persist, he could surpass the public contempt of previous presidents. Ruto's unpopularity currently appears acute due to economic difficulties and youth activism. What can be said unequivocally is that Ruto is arguably one of the most unpopular presidents in recent times. Whether he is the most unpopular president of all time depends on the assessment of his entire term in office. Moi is currently considered a benchmark for poor leadership, but Ruto is quickly leaving a negative reputation. @https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DTm-8Kl_nwCE @https://apnews.com/article/kenya-president-william-ruto-unpopular-protests-71707f83af3a9e524f43307c71ca71f5 @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cewdl20d8lxo @https://www.dw.com/en/kenya-bumpy-first-year-in-office-for-william-ruto/a-66790532) @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c93kv37qdeno @https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-Ruto @https://zambianobserver.com/is-william-ruto-the-most-disliked-president-in-kenyas-history/ @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c93kv37qdeno @https://www.yahoo.com/news/william-ruto-most-disliked-president-004010446.html @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy5w5nyd5xzo @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/news/185160/ipoa-report-blames-police-for-deaths-injuries-and-failures-in-june-july-protests

IPOA issued a statement.

On July 25 and July 7, 2025, the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) issued the following statement.

During the recent demonstrations in June and July 2025, 65 people died, 41 of whom were wounded by police. In addition, 342 civilians and 171 police officers were injured during the unrest. The report sharply criticizes the police for using disproportionate and excessive force, including live ammunition, during these protests. Particularly striking is that the National Police reported 5 out of 65 deaths. The protests escalated over several days in June and July, triggered by grievances such as police brutality and dissatisfaction with government policies. The IPOA documented serious violations of constitutional police standards – lack of professionalism, disregard for public safety and rights, and excessive use of force. Police officers were often deployed without name tags or badge numbers. Some used vehicles with obscured license plates, making accountability difficult. There were reports of plainclothes officers and unknown individuals (so-called "thugs") infiltrating protests and exacerbating violence and vandalism. Police officially reported only five deaths to the IPOA, suggesting attempts to cover up the true death toll. The protests resulted in violent clashes, looting, and the destruction of public and private property, including police stations and government buildings, in several counties. The IPOA criticized the police for failing to provide medical assistance or ambulances during the protests and for inadequate welfare for officers. The report calls for urgent reforms, including better identification of police, the use of body cameras, improved administrative policies, and protection of the right to protest under the constitution. The Kenyan government and police defended their actions. Some officials described the protests as illegal or as terrorism disguised as protest. Human rights groups condemn the government's response as encouraging lethal violence against protesters. The IPOA report highlights a significant number of protest-related deaths at the hands of police and points to serious police misconduct and attempts to cover up the extent of the deaths. It calls for reforms to policing and accountability in Kenya. @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy5w5nyd5xzo @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/news/185160/ipoa-report-blames-police-for-deaths-injuries-and-failures-in-june-july-protests @https://www.citizen.digital/news/ipoa-police-deployed-in-protests-did-not-display-name-tags-or- service numbers-n366856 @https://x.com/NationAfrica/status/1948630749533667585 @https://x.com/ntvkenya/status/1948631802740178950 @https://apcof.org/wp-content/uploads/apcof-study-of-ipoa-deaths-from-police-action-kenya-eng-041-3.pdf @https://www.ipoa.go.ke/frontAs sets/uploads/resources/1723535912130824.pdf @https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CJfhlAOa5hI @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/ipoa-report-exposes-deaths-and-police-cover-up-in-kenyan-protests-5131012 @https://mobile.nation.co.ke/kenya/news/ipoa-report-exposes-deaths-an d-police-cover-up-in-kenyan-protests-5131012 @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/ipoa-report-exposes-deaths-and-police-cover-up-in-kenyan-protests-5131012?fbc lid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR4P8uR-WVMDFsRn1SwrrZVV_-P6Nf9XcONKthYPsGuOLwkZFTWrGCAYaSoNpA_aem_KmzREmLq2dfnRvhSPCGPZg

Human Rights Defenders in Kenya announced a statement

“The Council affirms that human rights defenders and organizations must not be criminalized , harassed or intimidated for their work. A safe civilly space is essential to constitutional democracy” The Defenders Coalition welcomes this public advisory by H.E Martha Koome, Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court of Kenya. Human rights defenders (HRDs) in Kenya operate under significant risks including reprisals, arrests, ill-treatment, community violence, and stigmatization, especially when working on sensitive issues like police abuses, corruption, and rights of sexual minorities[2]. The Defenders Coalition Kenya (DCK), established in 2007, is the national umbrella organization focused on supporting and protecting HRDs in the country. It works to enhance the capacity of defenders and advocates for favorable legal and policy environments to reduce their vulnerability. Grassroots HRDs in Kenya play a critical role in documenting abuses and supporting victims but often face threats and lack adequate protection or resources. Organizations like PBI Kenya offer solidarity and protection to these grassroots defenders and raise awareness about the challenges they face due to increasing militarization and smearing campaigns. The National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders in Kenya engages actively with regional and international human rights mechanisms, advocating for better laws, safety, and recognition for HRDs[6]. Despite some openness in Kenya’s civic space, HRDs working on controversial issues like LGBTQ+ rights frequently suffer from political and religious hostility, community attacks, and smear campaigns. Additional resources such as the "Toolkit WHRDs" provide women human rights defenders in Kenya with knowledge and tools to improve their security and protection[8]. The Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) also monitors government violations affecting HRDs among its broader mandate. In summary, Kenyan HRDs face severe risks but are supported by coalitions and organizations that focus on their protection, capacity building, advocacy, and increasing their visibility nationally and internationally. @https://defenddefenders.org/about-us/about-us/membership/national-coalitions/ @https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/location/kenya https://pbi-kenya.org/en/themes/grassroots-human-rights-defenders @https://www.knchr.org/Our-Work/Human-Rights-Defenders https://defenderscoalition.org @https://achpr.au.int/index.php/en/ngos/national-coalition-human-rights-defenders-kenya @https://toolkit-whrd-kenya.org @https://uprdoc.ohchr.org/uprweb/downloadfile.aspx?filename=1301&file=EnglishTranslation @https://x.com/DefendersKE/status/1948082885648363671 @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/headlines/184622/cj-koome-distances-herself-from-blanket-terror-charges-against-protesters

"Dark Forces" targeting President Ibrahim Traoré

The term "dark forces" targeting President Ibrahim Traoré

of Burkina Faso appears to originate from social media reports, particularly posts on X, alleging assassination attempts against him. There is no confirmation of this claim and they are unverifiable. Traoré, who seized power in a coup in 2022, faced significant challenges, including alleged coup plots. In April 2025, Burkina Faso's military government reported foiling a "large-scale plot" to overthrow him, accusing the plotters of being based in Côte d'Ivoire. This followed previous coup attempts, such as one in September 2023, and reflects the ongoing instability in the country. Traoré's regime has also been criticized for its handling of a worsening jihadist insurgency, in which groups such as JNIM and ISGS escalated their attacks, as well as for human rights violations, including military-led massacres of civilians. His allies with Russia and his rejection of Western influence, particularly France, have fueled both domestic support and international tensions, which some narratives exaggerate as the influence of "dark forces." While the "dark forces" rhetoric is consistent with Traoré's own anti-imperialist message and suggests that external powers are seeking to destabilize Burkina Faso, no concrete evidence for the July 2025 assassination allegations can be found in the sources provided. The term likely reflects a mix of real political tensions, disinformation campaigns, and Traoré's cultivated image as a pan-African leader who opposes foreign interference. For a deeper understanding, cross-references to primary sources or official statements from the Burkina Faso government would be necessary. @https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5ygxzpkvzno

Why Kenya's Protests Outlast Every Regime

Why Kenya's Protests Outlast Every Regime

Kenya's protests outlast every regime, primarily because they reflect deep, unresolved structural problems such as political exclusion, corruption, economic inequality, and poor public services that have been left unaddressed by successive governments. These protests are often led by young, urban, and multi-ethnic populations who feel alienated by a political elite perceived as distant and self-serving. The protests transcend party or ethnic lines and signal widespread dissatisfaction with government leadership, a lack of opportunity, high living costs, and police brutality—problems that persist regardless of power. Key factors explain the longevity of protests in Kenya: There is structural failure and governance issues. Kenyan regimes respond to protests with repression rather than meaningful reform. They address symptoms with violence but fail to bring about structural change, leading to repeated uprisings. The protests are largely driven by young urban residents (especially Generation Z) who are networking across ethnic and regional lines, mobilizing via online platforms, and expressing their discontent over unemployment, the cost of living, and systemic corruption. The political class is often viewed as corrupt, self-reproducing, and detached from the needs of the public. Which it is. Opposition politicians are sometimes co-opted into government, weakening political alternatives and prompting ordinary citizens to take to the streets themselves. And then, time and again, violence is used. The use of excessive force, including live ammunition and mass arrests, is a common government tactic during protests. Dissent is suppressed, but this often only fuels further anger and resolve among protesters. The recent protests are organic, transcending traditional ethnic, regional, and political boundaries. They unite people around common socioeconomic issues and demand democratic accountability. The protests in Kenya will continue because they are not just directed against temporary political leaders, but against permanent and systemic political and economic problems that every new regime inherits—and largely fails to resolve. This pattern makes protests a persistent feature of Kenya's political landscape, as people continually seek to hold their leaders accountable and demand change.     @https://www.accord.org.za/analysis/kenyas-historic-gen-z-led-protests-the-issues/ @https://democracyinafrica.org/kenya-has-changed-the-gen-z-protests-and-what-they-mean/ @https://theconversation.com/kenyas-protests-happened-in-every-major-urban-centre-why-these-spaces-are-explosive-233350 @https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/25/world/africa/kenya-protests-william-ruto.html @https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/7/24/kenya-is-not-asleep-anymore-why-young-protesters-are-not-backing-down @https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/11/25/unchecked-injustice/kenyas-suppression-2023-anti-government-protests https://beta.the-star.co.ke/news/2025-07-13-why-kenyas-protests-outlive-every-regime @https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/east-and-southern-africa/kenya/what-behind-kenyas-protest-movement @https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LMS1721AP3s

"no more dialogue, Kenyans have said what must change"

The sentiment that "no more dialogue, Kenyans have said what must change" reflects a growing frustration among many Kenyans, particularly the youth, with repeated calls for national dialogue that often fail to deliver tangible results. This perspective aligns with recent public discourse, especially following protests in 2024 and 2025, where citizens, led largely by Gen Z, have voiced clear demands for systemic reforms. These include lowering the cost of living, ending government extravagance, tackling corruption, stopping extrajudicial killings, improving education access, creating jobs, and auditing national debt. The pushback against dialogue stems from a history of unfulfilled promises. For instance, over the past 19 years, Kenya has seen 26 national dialogues, producing reports that have largely gone unimplemented. Critics, including opposition leaders like Kalonzo Musyoka, argue that further talks risk being superficial, failing to address the core issues raised by protesters, such as unemployment and governance failures. Instead, many Kenyans demand action over conversation, emphasizing that the government, elected to serve, should implement the Constitution and address these grievances directly. However, some, like Raila Odinga and certain MPs, advocate for structured, inclusive dialogue starting at the grassroots level to ensure broader representation and actionable outcomes. They argue that past dialogues, like the 2010 constitutional reforms, have occasionally led to progress. Yet, skepticism persists, with figures like former Attorney General Justin Muturi calling such efforts "red herrings" that recycle old promises without results. The current mood, especially among the youth, leans toward demanding accountability and immediate action rather than more discussions, which are seen as delaying tactics. This reflects a broader call for a "Fourth Liberation" to birth a new nation through decisive governance, not endless talks. @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/opinion/article/2001524163/no-more-dialogue-kenyans-have-said-what-must-change @https://k24.digital/411/kalonzo-to-raila-kenyans-are-not-interested-in-dialogue @https://k24.digital/411/raila-dismisses-reports-that-dialogue-would-benefit-his-allies)[](https://nation.africa/kenya/news/politics/dialogue-to-nowhere-kenya-s-unending-call-for-talks-5111146)[](https://nation.africa/kenya/news/politics/dialogue-to-nowhere-kenya-s-unending-call-for-talks-5111146 @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/opinion/article/2001524163/no-more-dialogue-kenyans-have-said-what-must-change

Police Reforms Working Group is deeply concerned

JOINT STATEMENT Police Reforms Working Group is deeply concerned

by the continued misuse of the Prevention of Terrorism Act to manage public order in more than 100 cases. The law must not be used to criminalize dissent or human rights defenders. This practice undermines Kenya’s criminal justice system and jeopardizes critical international partnerships aimed at safeguarding national security. The Fund for Global Human RightsMott FoundationWilliam and Flora Hewlett FoundationAmerican Jewish World Service - AJWSEmbassy of Sweden in NairobiEmbassy of Denmark in Kenya and SomaliaEmbassy of Belgium in NairobiKenya National Commision on Human RightsAfrican Commission on Human and Peoples' RightsPolice Reform Working Group - Kenya@highlight

Is Kenya a Democracy?

All indications are that Kenya is facing a serious crisis that threatens its democratic institutions. Protests against President William Ruto's government led to violent clashes between demonstrators and police, leaving dozens dead and injured. The government's response to the protests, including orders to shoot demonstrators who attacked shops in the legs, has been criticized as harsh and authoritarian. Although Kenya has a long history of democratic elections, the current situation suggests that the country is facing a severe test of its democratic institutions. The protests are driven by widespread dissatisfaction with the government's handling of corruption, economic inequality, and police brutality. It is difficult to say whether Kenya is still a democracy or not, but the current situation is certainly cause for concern. The government's actions and rhetoric point to growing authoritarianism, and the protests are a symptom of a deeper crisis in the country's governance.   Some experts, such as Karuti Kanyinga, a professor at the University of Nairobi, described the protests as a symptom of a "failed system of governance." Others, such as Meron Elias, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, noted that protesters felt unheard and that the situation had not really changed since last year's protests.

The story of Boniface Mwangi

Boniface Mwangi was arrested. His wife said they were taking him to the DCI headquarters in Nairobi. Why was he targeted by politicians? Boniface Mwangi is a prominent Kenyan photojournalist, politician, and activist known for his socio-political activism, particularly his documentation of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. His work focuses on human rights, combating political and corporate impunity, and promoting peace and democratic reform. He founded PAWA 254, a center for arts and activism in Nairobi to empower artists and activists to work for social change. Mwangi's lawyer noted that despite his sudden arrest, officials did not provide any reasons for his arrest. However, the lawyer emphasized that an investigation is underway to determine why the activist was arrested. In July 2025, Mwangi was arrested in Kenya and charged with "aiding and abetting terrorist acts" during protests against President William Ruto's government that left at least 19 people dead. Police alleged he had paid "thugs" to incite violence. He and 37 human rights organizations condemned this charge as fabricated to silence dissent. He was charged with illegal possession of ammunition, not terrorism, and was released on bail. Mwangi denied the charges, claiming his protests were motivated by public dissatisfaction with Ruto's policies, including the controversial Finance Bill 2024, which he had helped to defeat through his activism. Boniface Mwangi, born on July 10, 1983, in Taveta, Kenya, near the Tanzanian border, is a renowned Kenyan photojournalist, activist, and former politician. His life has been characterized by resilience, courage, and a tireless pursuit of justice. Raised in poverty by a single mother who traded cross-border, Mwangi spent his early years with his grandparents in Nyeri before moving to Nairobi's poorer suburbs, such as Ngara and Pangani. After his mother's death in 2000, when he was 17, he faced significant hardship. He had to drop out of school on occasion and sell books to make ends meet. This loss marked a turning point and prompted him to enroll in Bible school to become a pastor and earn a degree in Biblical Studies. Mwangi's passion for photography began in his youth, inspired by Kenyan photographer Mohamed Amin. Despite not graduating from high school, he was accepted into the East Africa School of Journalism and later studied human rights and documentary photography at New York University. To finance his studies, he continued selling books on the street but soon switched to photojournalism. His career took off when he began publishing in The Standard, Kenya's national newspaper, and his raw, haunting images of the 2007-2008 post-election violence—which left over 1,000 dead and 350,000 displaced—earned him international recognition. He won the CNN Africa Photojournalist of the Year Award in 2008 and 2010 and was named a Time Next Generation Leader in 2015. However, the trauma of documenting the violence left him with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression, leading him to abandon journalism and focus on activism. Mwangi's activism began with Picha Mtaani, a traveling photography exhibition launched in 2009 to promote reconciliation following the post-election violence. His images sparked dialogue in affected communities and promoted healing. In 2011, he founded PAWA254, a Nairobi-based nonprofit organization that uses art and cultural collaboration to drive social change and advance human rights. Through initiatives such as MaVulture and Team Courage, Mwangi fought against political corruption and impunity and advocated for good leadership and peace in elections. His courageous protests, such as the 2013 MPigs demonstration outside the Kenyan parliament—in which pigs dipped in fake blood symbolized corrupt politicians—solidified his reputation as a fearless critic of systemic injustice. His activism came at a high personal cost. Mwangi was arrested multiple times, assaulted by police, threatened with death, and experienced an explosion in his home. In 2017, he ran for a parliamentary seat in Nairobi's Starehe constituency on an anti-corruption platform, but lost. During that campaign, threats against his family forced his wife, Hellen Njeri Mwangi, and their three children, Nate, Naila, and Jabali, to temporarily seek asylum in the United States. Njeri, co-founder of PAWA254 and a graduate of Daystar University, was a loyal partner in his activism despite the emotional toll, as shown in the 2020 documentary "Softie," which documents Mwangi's balance between family and activism. In May 2025, Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire were arrested in Tanzania while supporting opposition leader Tundu Lissu during his treason trial. Mwangi claims he was subjected to brutal torture, including sexual assault, beatings, and psychological abuse. His captors forced him to praise Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan. He was abandoned near the Kenya-Tanzanian border, physically and mentally scarred, with broken toes and fractured bones. The US and Amnesty International condemned the incident and called for an investigation, but Tanzanian authorities denied the allegations. Mwangi's personal life reflects his resilience. He met Njeri in 2006, and despite their different childhoods—he in poverty, she in a stable Christian family—they built a strong partnership. Their relationship was fraught with challenges, including a miscarriage in 2009 and Mwangi's post-traumatic stress disorder, but their bond has endured and will be celebrated on its 15th anniversary in 2022. His 2019 book, "UnBounded," chronicles his journey from poverty to prominence, shaped by the influence of his mother and grandmother. Despite his physical and emotional scars, Mwangi remains a symbol of courage and is often referred to as the "People's Guardian." His story, recounted in "Softie" and his book, is a tale of a struggle for justice that defied all odds and inspired a new generation of activists in Kenya and elsewhere. Bonface Mwangi was released by the Kahawa Court on one million shillings bail after spending two nights in custody. The state dropped the terrorism charges previously filed by the Directorate of Criminal Investigation (DCI). Instead, the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) filed two charges against him. Both charges relate to the illegal possession of ammunition and tear gas canisters; he pleaded not guilty. @https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/114334-boniface-mwangi-arrested-machakos-county @https://www.arabnews.com/node/2608707/amp @https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boniface_Mwangi @https://vocal.media/humans/boniface-mwangi-wife-net-worth-education-biography-age-and-mor @https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DQK0HykswgvI @https://www.intercontinental.org/buchtipps/boniface-mwangi-unbounded @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001524878/court-frees-boniface-mwangi-as-terrorism-charges-collapse

Is Kenya becoming a theocracy?

Is Kenya becoming a theocracy?

This question deserves to be asked. Why? The President of Kenya, William Ruto, wants to build a church in State House, his official residence, at his own expense. This church, which is to be built, will seat up to 8,000 people. It is expected to cost approximately $9.3 million. The State House in Nairobi is a historic and important building that serves as the official residence and office of the Kenyan president and symbolizes state authority and governance from the colonial era through independence to the present day. Not everyone is enthusiastic about this. A church has no place in State House. There has to be a division. A church in State House would mean that Ruto wants to establish a Christian theocracy. And everyone can imagine how a theocracy works. The church leaders are talking about decolonization and reparations, which are extremely important. The project has been criticized by religious leaders in Kenya, who rightly argue that State House is not the property of the president, but the property of the people. @https://churchleaders.com @https://religionnews.com @https://rcocweb.org/CivicAlerts.asp%3FAID%3D621%26ARC%3D1005

The Kamite New Year

On Saturday, 19.7.2025, several African communities gathered to celebrate the Kamite New Year, a symbol of cultural resilience. "This calendar evokes the antiquity of our civilizations," explained Bayala Lianhoué Imhotep, a pan-African activist. Celebrated in countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Congo, the event embodies a return to African roots. The term "Kamite" is derived from "Kemet," the ancient Egyptian word for "black earth," which has been adopted by Afrocentrists. The Kamite New Year celebrates the beginning of the year according to the Kamite calendar, also called the Nilotic calendar or the Old African calendar. This calendar is one of the oldest known calendars and predates the Arabic and Christian calendars. Here are the key facts about this new year. The Kamite New Year typically falls on July 19 in the Gregorian calendar and marks the beginning of the year 6261 of this ancient calendar. In some sources, it is also associated with the Gregorian 3rd of August (or the Julian 21st of July), which corresponds to the heliacal rising of the star Sirius (Sigi Tolo), an important astronomical event for determining this New Year's day. The Kamitic calendar is based on the observation of the heliacal rising of Sirius, symbolizing a new cycle and the flooding of the Nile, which was fundamental to agriculture in ancient Egypt. It consists of twelve months divided into three seasons of 360 days plus five epagomenal days. Every four years, a sixth day is added to correct the calendar and ensure its consistency with the sidereal cycles. The celebration of the Kamitic New Year is an act of cultural and spiritual appreciation and underlines the antiquity and richness of sub-Saharan African civilizations. The Kamitic movement emphasizes that its calendar is the origin of other calendar systems and demands its official recognition, so every July 19th is a cultural holiday, similar to January 1st in the Gregorian calendar. In the Kamitic language (borrowed from ancient Egypt), this day is called Wepet Renpet (New Year), and the rising of Sirius is called Peret Sopdet (departure of Sirius). In addition to the New Year celebration, the Kamites maintain annual rites related to their deities and the legacy of ancient Egyptian civilization (Kemitism), including festivals honoring gods and ancestors. The Kamite New Year is a powerful cultural event celebrating the ancient African calendar, centered on the rising of Sirius. It symbolizes an important annual historical and cultural renewal for the Kamites and African communities committed to restoring their heritage. @https://afrique.le360.ma/culture/mali-les-kamites-celebrent-la-6261eme-annee-de-leur-calendrier-le-1er-de-lhumanite_LLHJQVNUPNCC5DMODOHALZE5V4 @https://kamademia.com/le-calendrier-kemite-africain @https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C3%A9mitisme

Human rights activist Boniface Mwangi was arrested

Human rights activist Boniface Mwangi was arrested by police following a forceful removal from his home by a group of masked individuals. Boniface Mwangi is a Kenyan photojournalist, politician, and activist known for his role in documenting social injustices and advocating for political reform in Kenya. He initially gained national and international recognition for his photographic coverage of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. His powerful images highlighted the scale of the conflict and its humanitarian consequences. Mwangi is a prominent critic of corruption and abuse of power by the Kenyan authorities. He has been arrested and intimidated several times for his activism but remains a leading voice in the fight for civil rights and good governance. Mwangi is widely known for his courage, resilience, and commitment to social justice in Kenya. Despite regular rejection by the government, his efforts inspire many, especially youth, to challenge impunity and demand democratic reform. His wife, Njeri Mwangi, confirmed the incident to the BBC. She stated that a masked group, composed of five men and one woman, forcibly entered their home in Machakos County. The arrest stems from Mwangi's recent call for an anti-government protest during the Standard Chartered marathon in Nairobi. According to his wife, Mwangi was arrested at his home on Saturday afternoon. The officers said they would escort Mwangi to the DCI headquarters in Nairobi. Mwangi's devices were also confiscated. Mwangi's wife regretted the arrest, described it as a terrorist attack and arson, and called for the activist's immediate release. Boniface Mwangi had criticized the government of President William Ruto, accusing it of orchestrating kidnappings and extrajudicial killings. While Kenya appears more stable than some neighboring countries, structural oppression, corruption, and violence persist. Civil society and the media are fighting for reform. And that brings us to the heart of this issue. What we have seen in 2024/25 not only suggests, but data confirms, that the government is cracking down on critics. Reports and analyses from 2024/25 indicate that the government has adopted an increasingly repressive stance toward critics and dissidents, particularly in the context of the protests against the Finance Bill. Here are some key factors that support this assessment: - Violent crackdown on protests; - Arrests, kidnappings, and enforced disappearances; - Restrictions on press freedom; - Criminalization of dissent; - Co-optation of the opposition; - Disinformation and propaganda. It can now be said that President William Ruto's government has faced considerable criticism for its crackdown on demonstrators, restrictions on press freedom, and the suppression of dissent in connection with the protests against its policies, particularly the tax increases. Human rights organizations and international observers have expressed concern about the evolving human rights situation and civil liberties in Kenya. @https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2025-07-19-activist-boniface-mwangi-arrested @https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boniface_Mwang @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/pangani+police+station-terrorism/182367/boniface-mwangi-detained-at-pangani-as-lawyers-say-arrest-warrant-was-defective @https://www.c apitalfm.co.ke/news/2025/07/i-strongly-condemn-activist-boniface-mwangis-arrest-kalonzo @https://theafricadailypost.com/319850/society/kenyan-activist-detained-after-forced-home-arrest/#:~:text=Nairobi%2C%20Kenya%20%E2%80%93%20Prominent%20Kenyan,Standard%20Chartered%20marathon%20in%20Nairobi

The death of Susan Kamengere Njoki

Strange things are happening in Kenya right now. Strange deaths are shaking the country. For example, there's Bridget Njoki, a 12-year-old girl who was shot through the roof in front of her television. Then there's Julia Wangui Kariuki, a 24-year-old activist who died in police custody. She may have had head injuries, but no one is sure. Boniface Karioki, a 22-year-old street vendor, was shot by two police officers. A British man witnessed the incident; he recorded everything on video: the entire killing. He didn't post the video immediately, only after he returned to Britain. That's very telling, because the British man said he was scared. Albert Ojwang, a teacher who was beaten to death by police. Saba Saba Day is not long over. The fatalities occurred across several counties, with the highest numbers in Kiambu (8), Nairobi (6), and Kajiado (6). Most of the identified victims were under the age of 25, and postmortems revealed that 14 out of 15 victims died from gunshot wounds. And now another strange death. Njoki died on July 15, just one day after she was allegedly forcibly taken from her home and injected with a foreign drug before being taken to the hospital. She was forcibly abducted from her home in Kileleshwa, which was stormed by several men. She was given an injection, allegedly on the orders of her husband. Njoki unfortunately suffered from depression. When she demanded to know where she was being taken, the men refused to answer, leaving her scared and confused. At the time of the incident, she had been receiving treatment and was feeling well. Njoki died shortly afterward. The family filed a complaint, and officers from the Directorate of Criminal Investigation (DCI) began investigating the CEO's death. @https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/114294-family-demands-justice-after-toto-touch-ceo-dies-following-alleged-forced-injection?utm_source=Facebook&utm_medium=AK&fbclid=IwY2xjawLmxPlleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHrKuN6hlhSLpWVCQHLnK6DB_UestAtpfWwf6QI0f62rIYhtu8OSCZqZ8jA7l_aem_Z5tNe9hIZ0Lv2JZ-Ve6Ghg&sfnsn=mo

Who shot Bridget Njoki?

Who shot Bridget Njoki? Bridget Njoki, a 12-year-old girl from Ndumberi, Kiambu County, was fatally shot in her family home on July 7, 2025, during the Saba Saba protests. A bullet pierced the roof and struck her as she watched television next to her mother. Status of the shooter's identification: The shooter's identity has not yet been officially confirmed. Reports suggest that the bullet was fired by police to disperse protesters. However, no specific officer or individual has been named or charged. The National Police Service and the Independent Police Oversight Authority (IPOA) have launched investigations into the incident. The family, human rights groups, and the public have called for accountability, but so far, no investigation has been publicly concluded, and the person who fired the fatal shot has neither been identified nor prosecuted. Key Facts Bridget was sheltering from protests in her home when the bullet struck her head. Police spokespeople described the incident as "tragic," but emphasized that the investigation is ongoing and the source of the gunfire has not yet been confirmed. Her death sparked nationwide outrage and brought renewed attention to the use of force by police during protests. If the bullet has been found, and it's safe to assume that it has, although it has been confirmed here with my word, the gun from which it was fired could be identified. What stands out here is that the bullet came through the roof. This is implausible, because a bullet that passes through the roof no longer has the power to cause such damage. Summary, Details, Information Victim: Bridget Njoki, 12 years old Date of Incident: July 7, 2025 Location: Ndumberi, Kiambu County, Kenya Shooter identified?: No. Presumably a police weapon, but the specific officer is unknown. Official Investigations: Ongoing investigations by the police and IPOA Public Reaction: Demands for justice and accountability; National Outrage Conclusion Bridget Njoki's shooter has not yet been officially identified. The investigation is ongoing, and it is widely believed that the fatal bullet came from police attempting to control the protest crowd. However, no concrete findings or prosecutions have been released yet.

A different report about Julia Njoki's death

Ybews reports something different than other media outlets. This account seems more accurate. Julia Njoki, who was arrested on Monday, July 7, reportedly succumbed to multiple head injuries allegedly inflicted by officers while she was in custody. According to her family, Njoki was remanded in custody after she failed to post KSh 50,000 bail at a court appearance the following day. Her condition deteriorated rapidly during the night after she was brutally assaulted in the cell. In a social media post, her aunt Grace Rene wrote: "The same people who were supposed to protect her left her unconscious. She was taken to the hospital... she had been hit on the head and was bleeding internally. This critical situation was met with delay, negligence, and silence. By the time real help arrived, it was already too late." @https://ynews.digital/newsflash/julia-njoki-dies-in-police-custody-after-alleged-beating-in-nanyuki/#:~:text=Julia%20Njoki%2C%20who%20was%20arrested,%E2%80%93%20it%20was%20too%20late.%E2%80%9D

Funeral of Bridget Njoki

Emotions ran high. Bridget Njoki was buried. She was 12 years old when she was shot dead by police during protests on the 7.7 in Ndumberi.

News from the pathology department. - Julie Njoki

News from the pathology department. Julie Njoki's body has been autopsied. The results are strange. Pathologist Peter Ndegwa explained that the results are inconclusive and that further tests are needed to determine the cause of death. "We find findings in her lungs, brain, pancreas, and liver, all of which could have contributed to her death," Ndegwa noted. This is all strange, but what's even stranger is that Njoki had significant brain hemorrhages. A 24-year-old woman with such findings! Ndegwa believes that these brain hemorrhages may not have caused her death. "In particular, there is one brain hemorrhage that doesn't appear traumatic. We want to thoroughly examine the brain to determine the source of the bleeding." Her vital organs are currently being examined by pathologists. The pathologists have requested an additional two weeks to produce a more comprehensive report. @https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/114223-govt-pathologist-seeks-more-time-determine-julia-njokis-cause-death?utm_source=Facebook&utm_medium= DK&fbclid=IwQ0xDSwLkGn5jbGNrAuQ2tmV4dG4DYWVtAjExAAEe8JrCczYr3QxDeQYymbZAONSPk3P5DY1qxjgcBEzN-QkL4KLmblAs2c4lYbI_aem_IgyatebaPFJqou7Eb5-RcQ

Is Julia Wangui Kariuki the next victim?

Is Julia Wangui Kariuki the next victim?

Julia was arrested during the Saba Saba protests. She was detained at the Nanyuki police station. She was later transferred to the Nanyuki Women's Prison because she could not afford bail. She was given a meal and placed in a cell. However, about two hours later, she began experiencing dizziness, headaches, and stomach pains. "When questioned, she stated that she was beaten during the clashes on July 7, 2025," said Dr. Chrisantus Makokha, Head of Communications for the Kenya Prisons Service. Whether she was injured by officers or during the protests remained unclear. It was reported that Wangui received immediate treatment and was transferred to the Nanyuki Teaching and Referral Hospital, where she was admitted at 9:10 p.m. Her condition worsened that morning, and she was transferred to Cottage Hospital for a CT scan. She was admitted to the intensive care unit of Cottage Hospital at 11:00 PM on the evening of July 9. She underwent surgery the following morning. She died in the early hours of July 12 surrounded by her family. Her death has now sparked public outrage. The residents of Likii have announced they will demonstrate and demand justice for Wangui, who reportedly died last Friday under mysterious circumstances. The Standard newspaper published a report alleging that police beat Julia Wangui Karioki, affectionately known as Njoki, to death. The National Police Service (NPS) has responded to this report. The police are being "...accused of police misconduct." The NPS did not disclose how the deceased Njoki died. He is not under investigation. "To date, no formal complaint of misconduct – either by action or omission – has been received," the statement continued. The "Standard" newspaper ran a picture of the deceased Njoki, along with a caption suggesting that the Prison Service had admitted that the deceased died in custody. "After a days-long standoff between two state security agencies – the police and the Prison Service – over the location of the death of 24-year-old Julie Kariuki, the Prison Service has admitted that she died in custody, despite claiming she arrived injured," the caption read. The NPS statement came during a new wave of protests in Nanyuki, with residents taking to the streets to demand justice for Njoki. The deceased's grandmother had led the protests, accusing the authorities of torturing her granddaughter to death. Anyone familiar with the other cases must have come to such a conclusion. Let us remember: Albert Ojwang; Boniface Karioki; Timothy Bwibo;... To this day, we don't know the cause of death. It hasn't been disclosed by the NPS. That's strange! Some detainees die in police custody. A preliminary medical report obtained by her family indicated blunt force trauma to her head consistent with severe beating, suggesting she may have been brutally assaulted while in custody. The family alleges police misconduct and a cover-up. A post-mortem examination was scheduled to ascertain the definitive cause of death. Police Response: The National Police Service (NPS) has denied any misconduct, stating no formal complaint had been recorded regarding her treatment. They claim Julia appeared in good health when arraigned and have promised a swift, transparent, and credible investigation The ongoing anti-government demonstrations have so far claimed at least 31 lives and led to over 532 arrests. @https://www.tnx.africa/county/article/2001524235/nanyuki-heavy-police-presence-as-residents-protest-death-of-julia-kariuki-in-custody?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR7CO1Cnq_hZQQAmuInmpoydSc_OOmqAY6ugdfstqkg8mgs8fPQ6gOrf8TGVZA_aem_dC4fsimnLNdCRrs_Awb4M A @https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/114161-national-police-now-clarifies-circumstances-surrounding-julie-njokis-death-while @https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/radiomaisha/national/article/2001524210/another-kenyan-dies-in-the-hands-of-police-yet-again

Residents of Nyandarua County held demonstrations and blocked roads

Residents of Nyandarua County recently held demonstrations and blocked roads to protest the poor condition of the roads in the Boiman area. The deteriorating road conditions have severely disrupted traffic and the movement of goods, particularly agricultural produce, and caused considerable hardship for the local population. The collapse of key infrastructure facilities, such as the Thitai Bridge on the Njabini-Ol-Kalou road, has exacerbated the situation, disrupting connectivity between parts of the county and sparking outrage among residents who feel abandoned by the authorities. The protests reflect frustration with both the county government and the Kenya National Highways Authority (KeNHA), which residents accuse of neglect and poor maintenance. KeNHA reportedly blames a Chinese contractor for poor workmanship, while the contractor claims that all work was approved by KeNHA. Despite promises to improve infrastructure, many roads in Nyandarua remain in poor condition, prompting calls for urgent government action. In summary, the demonstrations and roadblocks by Nyandarua residents are a response to the deteriorating road infrastructure in Boiman and surrounding areas, which has disrupted daily life and economic activity. @https://www.constructionkenya.com/8181/nyandarua-county-roads @https://youtu.be/76yuA1IgQHk?si=jLd8k0Nt9gFfKkM4 @https://www.citizen.digital/wananchi-reporting/nyandarua-residents-protest-against-poor-state-of-road-n332663 @https://youtu.be/Xu6a7wDo7nk?si=1NYt6pDuzcj1LbHt

38 people got killed during Saba-Saba-Day in Kenya

In Kenya, the death toll from Gen Z protests continues to rise. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights is confirming at least 115 people killed since the demonstrations began last year.  The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) has confirmed that 38 people were killed during the Saba Saba Day protests in Kenya on July 7, 2025. The fatalities occurred across several counties, with the highest numbers in Kiambu (8), Nairobi (6), and Kajiado (6).  Among the deceased were four women and two children, including a 12-year-old girl who was shot in her home.  Most of the identified victims were youth under the age of 25, and postmortems revealed that 14 out of 15 victims died from gunshot wounds.   The protests were marked by the use of lethal force by the police.  Autopsies revealed that most of the victims died from gunshot wounds. In addition, over 130 people were injured during the demonstrations, many of whom were hospitalized or recovered at home. These protests commemorated the historic Saba Saba Day, but also reflected current frustration over economic hardship, corruption, and governance problems. The government had attempted to suppress the protests with curfews and heavy police presence. A 12-year-old child, Njoki, who was killed by a stray bullet while watching TV inside her home a few kilometers from the capital city, Nairobi. @https://www.citizen.digital/news/death-toll-from-saba-saba-protests-rises-to-38-knchr-n366153 @https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2025-07-08-deaths-lockdown-as-kenyans-mark-saba-saba @https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2025-07-11-knchr-death-toll-from-saba-saba-protests-rises-to-38 @https://youtu.be/G_rrZp1pEEI?si=6siQZpsWJIZwi0Q1 @https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20250708-deaths-arrests-as-police-crack-down-on-kenyan-pro-democracy-demonstrations @https://www.kenyanews.go.ke/kangata-waives-bills-for-injured-saba-saba-victims @https://www.amnestykenya.org/joint-statement-update-on-saba-saba-anniversary-protests/

Julia Njoki died in police custody

Julia Njoki was a young woman arrested on July 7, 2025, during the nationwide Saba Saba protests in Kenya against police violence and government corruption. She was taken into custody in Nanyuki and later died while in remand at Nanyuki Women’s Prison. Her family alleges that she was brutally assaulted by police officers while in custody, suffering blunt force trauma to the head. She was found unconscious in her cell, rushed to hospital, but died on July 11, 2025. The family and human rights groups have called for an independent investigation into her death, which has sparked widespread condemnation and renewed calls to end police brutality in Kenya. The National Police Service clarified that Julia Njoki did not die in police custody but in prison after being remanded following her arraignment on charges of malicious property damage. They denied claims that she was assaulted by police while in a cell, stating she fell ill and was admitted to hospital before passing away. However, this official version has been met with skepticism and demands for transparency from activists and public figures. Julia Njoki’s death is part of a troubling pattern of alleged custodial deaths of protesters and activists in Kenya, including the recent case of Albert Ojwang, who also died under suspicious circumstances in police custody. In summary, Julia Njoki was a protester who died in custody under contested circumstances, with her family and many Kenyans alleging police brutality as the cause, while official police statements deny assault and attribute her death to illness in prison. @https://www.instagram.com/p/DL95Hh6tozy @https://eastleighvoice.co.ke/julia%20njoki/177818/julia-njoki-died-in-prison-not-in-police-custody-police-now-says @https://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2025/07/police-on-the-spotlight-as-family-alleges-death-of-nanyuki-protester-in-custody @dr, miguna miguna - X @https://youtu.be/8NnPpwPglFc?si=9lb3I7psA4vRUrqW @https://viraltea.co.ke/julia-njoki-dies-after-assault-in-police-custody

initiate proceedings against President William Ruto before the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Rigathi Gachagua is currently in the United States. And he's there for a reason. Former Vice President Gachagua is there to set up an evidence-gathering team to initiate proceedings against President William Ruto before the International Criminal Court (ICC). It is true that the reported murders, kidnappings, and enforced disappearances are crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. Gachagua explained that Ruto's previous ICC proceedings related to the 2007 post-election violence had not been concluded, but had merely been suspended due to the disappearance of key witnesses. He also stated that his team is determined to ensure this time that all evidence remains intact and witnesses are protected so that the case can be closed. That will be difficult, however. As we see in Kenya, no sanctions have been and will not be imposed on the police officers implicated in these crimes. As a reminder, The BBC made a documentary in which they analyzed 5,000 images and videos. The result was that the killer police officers were very easy to identify. Nothing has happened so far, and nothing will. After Ruto took office in 2022, he disbanded the Special Service Unit (SSU). The Special Service Unit (SSU) was a specialized police unit in Kenya that originally emerged from the Special Crimes Prevention Unit (SCPU) and was renamed and restructured by then-DCI chief George Kinoti in 2019. The SSU was an elite unit staffed by experienced investigators and highly trained marksmen, combating complex crimes such as robberies, car thefts, terrorism, and organized crime. The unit operated nationwide and was known for its secrecy and close ties to the leadership of the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI). However, the SSU increasingly came under criticism for serious allegations of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and abuse of power. Particularly notable was the mysterious disappearance of three Indian citizens and a Kenyan taxi driver in July 2022, whose disappearances were linked to SSU officers. An investigation by the DCI's Internal Investigation Unit, headed by Mohammed Amin, revealed that SSU members may have been involved in these incidents. Based on these allegations, President William Ruto ordered the dissolution of the SSU in October 2022. He justified this by arguing that the unit had deviated from protecting the public and instead killed people. The decision was welcomed by human rights organizations, which called for a thorough investigation into the SSU's activities. The disbanded unit was dubbed the "killer police unit" because it was linked to numerous cases of extrajudicial killings and human rights violations. In summary, the SSU was once a highly respected elite unit of the Kenyan police, but was disbanded due to serious human rights violations and alleged involvement in illegal killings and enforced disappearances. This is precisely where we need to start. All the murders, kidnappings, all these crimes indicate that the SSU still exists. Some politicians believe that President Ruto maintains a secret hit unit. And this, too, clearly shows that the SSU still exists and that the president is using it.

The funeral of Boniface Kariuki

Boniface Kariuki, a Nairobi-based face mask vendor, was shot in the head by a police officer during protests in Nairobi on June 17, 2025. The protests were part of a broader movement demanding justice for Albert Ojwang, a teacher and blogger who was killed in police custody. Kariuki was shot at point-blank range with a 12-gauge shotgun, resulting in severe brain injury. He underwent two surgeries at Kenyatta National Hospital, but his family declared him brain dead on June 29, 2025. His family asked the government for assistance with his hospital bills and demanded justice for the shooting. Following the incident, the police officer involved, Klinzy Baraza, was charged with murder. The Attorney General upheld the murder charge against him, signaling official legal action in the case. Boniface Kariuki's death sparked public outrage and memorial services, highlighting concerns about police brutality in Kenya. Today, June 17, 2025, Boniface Kariuki was laid to rest at his rural home in Kangema, Murang'a County. His funeral included a Requiem Mass at the Basilica of the Holy Family and a memorial service at All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi, where mourners and leaders demanded justice and condemned police brutality and extrajudicial killings. Family members and community leaders described him as a law-abiding and hardworking young man, and there were emotional pleas for accountability and an end to police violence. @Boniface Kariuki: Kenyan vendor shot by police during protests dies , BBC @https://nation.africa/kenya/news/boniface-kariuki-hawker-shot-in-the-head-police-is-brain-dead--5099644

Shoot them in the leg -William Ruto

Arrangement of the Kenyan President William Ruto: The police are supposed to shoot demonstrators into their legs in order not to kill them, but not to kill them. The UN and human rights organizations accuse the police at the youngest wave anti -government protests excessive violence - according to a government organization, 31 people were killed on Monday. "Anyone who is caught how he burns down the business or property of another person should be shot in the leg, hospitalized and later brought to court. Do not kill them, but make sure that their legs are broken," said the president. President Ruto also warned his political rivals against supporting and using violent protests and "illegal" means in order to violently overthrow him. In addition to the 31 deaths, more than 100 people were injured during the protests in the capital Nairobi and other big cities, according to the Kenyan National Commission for Human Rights (KNCHR) and around 532. The Kenyan police speaks of eleven deaths.  In principle, a president may not issue a shooting order on demonstrators, as this violates fundamental human rights and international norms. Such commands can be considered serious human rights violations. A current example is the case of Kazakh President Kassym-Schomart Tokayev, who issued a shooting order against demonstrators in January 2022 during serious unrest. He explained that security forces should shoot without warning to restore order. This led to international criticism and human rights concerns. In democratic societies, such measures are fundamentally unacceptable and are often considered disproportionate. As a rule, a president must not give a shooting order on demonstrators, as this violates fundamental human rights and international norms. Such commands can be seen as serious human rights violations. An example from recent history is the case of Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the President of Kazakhstan, who gave a shooting command against demonstrators in January 2022 during serious unrest. He explained that the security forces should shoot without warning to restore order. This led to international criticism and concerns about human rights. In democratic societies, such measures are usually not acceptable and are often considered disproportionate. @Https: //www.the-star.co.ke/news/africa/2025-07-09-shoot-in-le-leg-kenyan-leader- Order