Mittwoch, 3. Dezember 2025
Study of Ancient DNA
Study of Ancient DNA 
Reveals Crucial Role of Southern Africa in Human Evolution
A new study published in Nature, the largest investigation of ancient African DNA to date, shows that a group of Homo sapiens ancestors in southern Africa, south of the Limpopo River, lived in partial isolation from other African populations for hundreds of thousands of years. Based on the analysis of 28 genomes from individuals who lived between 10,200 and 150 years ago, researchers identified genetic adaptations that likely shaped Homo sapiens.
Cultural changes, such as toolmaking techniques, influenced them. They carried unique Homo sapiens-specific variants, for example, in kidney function genes for improved fluid regulation and UV protection, which are absent in Neanderthals and Denisovans. Approximately 80% of this heritage is found today in San groups such as the Juǀ'hoansi and Karretjie people.
Until now, many scientists assumed that Homo sapiens originated in East Africa around 300,000 years ago and later spread southward. From there, they spread across the world in several waves, beginning around 130,000 years ago via the Arabian Peninsula to Asia.
This spread was not a targeted one, but rather a gradual expansion of settlements by a few kilometers per generation, driven by climate change, resource searches, and population pressure.
However, this new study, led by researchers from Uppsala University and the University of Johannesburg, suggests that Homo sapiens not only existed but also evolved in southern Africa over a longer period.
The analysis revealed that Stone Age populations in the region were genetically isolated for at least 200,000 years. Significant gene flow from East and West Africa can only be detected in the data from around 1,400 years ago.
Many of the analyzed remains come from the Matjes River Rock Shelter on the southern coast of South Africa.
The study identified 79 unique genetic variants in all the early and modern Homo sapiens examined. These variants, which are not found in other hominins or primates, influence gene function and represent a significant portion of human genetic diversity, largely preserved only in South African groups.
Seven of these variants are related to kidney function and may contribute to efficient sweating and fluid balance—both important for endurance and thermoregulation.
Other variants affect the immune system and brain development; over 40% are linked to neurons, attention, and complex thinking.
Uganda's parliamentary and presidential elections are scheduled for January 15
Uganda's parliamentary and presidential elections are scheduled for January 15, 2026, and will be over
seen by the Ugandan Election Commission. Incumbent President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, was nominated for a seventh term by the National Resistance Movement in July 2025 after term limits were lifted.
It was likely during the election campaign that President Yoweri Museveni met with Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi and his delegation at the Mayuge State Lodge Hotel. The talks focused on bilateral and regional affairs. The meeting followed a diplomatic crisis triggered by Museveni's controversial remarks questioning Kenya's exclusive claims to the Indian Ocean coastline.
Museveni initiated the dispute with a radio address in Mbale in November. He argued that landlocked Uganda needed reliable access to the sea for trade, defense, and naval development, and criticized exclusive coastal claims as "madness" and "selfishness."
The Kingdom of Buganda, ruled by the Baganda dynasty, established trade relations with Arab traders on the East African coast from the 18th century onward, particularly through the export of ivory and slaves.
These contacts provided indirect access to the Indian Ocean via caravan routes and later via Lake Victoria and the Uganda Railway to Mombasa in Kenya.
He likened Uganda to a house with an upper floor that shared the land below, sparking outrage in the Kenyan media over the perceived threat to the sovereignty of the port of Mombasa and national borders.
His son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, further escalated tensions on social media, suggesting he would use force if necessary.
Museveni dismissed rumors of war as misleading and clarified that his remarks referred to the long-term strategic needs of landlocked countries and not to hostilities toward Kenya.
During the talks, Mudavadi requested clarification, whereupon Museveni assured the continuation of the partnership, including joint infrastructure projects such as pipelines and roads.
The incident highlights Uganda's dependence on the port and calls for stronger federation within the East African Community (EAC) to prevent future conflicts.
The Kenyan government subsequently reaffirmed its commitment to international law and peaceful diplomacy and dismissed Museveni's comments as non-threatening.
@https://kiswahili.tuko.co.ke/habari-za-ulimwengu/610399-yoweri-museveni-akutana-na-musalia-mudavadi-siku-chache-baada-ya-kutoa-vitisho-vya-vita/
Kenya's Richest One Percent Owns Nearly Half of the Wealth Created in the Last Ten Years
Kenya's Richest One Percent Owns Nearly Half of the Wealth Created in the Last Ten Years
The wealthiest one percent of Kenya's population owns nearly half of the wealth created in the last ten years.
The richest one percent holds more wealth than 90 percent of Kenyans combined and 13 times as much as the bottom half; the 125 richest individuals even surpass 42.6 million Kenyans in wealth.
The list of Kenya's richest includes industrial pioneers, bankers, and political figures. Among the top ten are the Moi and Kenyatta families, as well as prominent names like Manu Chandaria, considered one of the richest industrialists with an estimated net worth of around USD 1.7 billion. Politically connected families control over 50 percent of private wealth.
Kenya's wealthiest individuals have often built their fortunes over generations and diversify their investments across sectors such as manufacturing (e.g., Bidco Africa, Comcraft Group), banking (e.g., Equity Bank), media (e.g., Royal Media Services), and land ownership.
Oxfam is calling for progressive tax reforms, such as higher capital gains taxes, to distribute the benefits more broadly.
This wealthiest group controls approximately 78 percent of the country's financial assets, including stocks, company shares, real assets, and securities.
The poorer half of the population, by contrast, owns only a fraction of this wealth, highlighting the significant inequality.
The richest one percent received 40 percent of all newly created wealth during a period of strong economic growth, while millions of Kenyans were plunged into extreme poverty. This disparity demonstrates that despite average annual economic growth of 5 percent over the past decade, most citizens have not benefited equally from this growth.
The wealth of this elite group has grown almost twice as fast as that of the rest of the population. The wealthiest Kenyans today possess more wealth than 90 percent of all Kenyans combined. Furthermore, the 125 richest Kenyans own more wealth than 42.6 million Kenyans combined, further widening the economic gap in the country.
What remains is extreme inequality. A few profit enormously, while most struggle to survive.
Nearly half of Kenyans (approximately 26 million people) live in extreme poverty, surviving on less than 130 Kenyan shillings (about US$1) per day. Just 125 individuals possess more wealth than the poorest 42 million citizens.
A national debt of 68.8% of GDP and a budget deficit of 5.9% mean that tax revenues (a third of which goes toward interest payments) severely strain public services such as healthcare, hitting low-income groups the hardest.
A new survey by the National Taxpayers Association reveals that Kenyans feel the tax burden most acutely from the Value Added Tax (VAT). 53.3 percent cited it as the tax that puts the biggest strain on their finances.
VAT affects almost every purchase, from groceries to household goods. It is therefore the most visible and unavoidable tax for many households.
The business license fee follows at 16.1 percent, highlighting the burden on entrepreneurs and small business owners, especially in a challenging economic environment.
Payroll tax (PAYE) was mentioned by 12.3 percent of respondents. This reflects how employees feel their income is significantly reduced before it reaches them.
Market fees and stall charges, which directly affect vendors, accounted for 10.4 percent.
Excise tax (3.3 percent), property tax (3.1 percent), import/export duties (1.2 percent), and the inter-county levy (0.5 percent) followed.
The results highlight the widespread concern about affordability, the strain on household budgets, and frustration with the rising cost of living. Given the economic uncertainty Kenyans face, understanding which taxes are the hardest on their wallets provides valuable insights for policymakers reviewing the country's tax system.
For example, low-income households in Nairobi face an effective inflation rate 27% higher than that of wealthier households. The widening gap between rich and poor reflects this frustration. There are current complaints that government policies, through excessive taxation and cuts to programs like the SHA health insurance, have put Kenya "back on track."
The cost of living continues to rise. Food and basic necessities are putting a heavy strain on households.
GDP per capita is expected to increase nominally by 2.5%, reaching approximately US$2,550. Adjusted for purchasing power parity (PPP), it stands at around US$3,470, which, while reflecting a gradual improvement in living standards, remains low compared to other countries in the region.
Food inflation reached 8.0% year-on-year in October. This was triggered by a lack of rainfall (La Niña effects), which reduced harvests by 30% and drove up prices: tomatoes became 37% more expensive, sugar 23% more expensive, and cabbage 20% more expensive.
The electricity consumption of a typical household using 200 kWh rose by 3% month-on-month, transportation costs increased by 1.4%, and fuel prices remain high (gasoline approximately 185 KES/liter).
Overall inflation remains stable at 4.6%, but spending on essential goods consumes 3–3.5 million KES. Food aid will be needed until mid-2026, particularly in arid regions like Turkana.
Families are cutting back on non-essential spending due to livestock losses, seeking side jobs, or relying on markets. This is being described as an “exploding” crisis. Even parking fees are being circumvented out of desperation.
Low salaries (e.g., newly qualified doctors abroad earning around 500,000 KES compared to similar salaries domestically) seem inadequate given the local cost of living.
And there are other burdens. There is debt, job losses, and the overall mood.
Kenya’s foreign debt in 2023 was approximately US$40 billion, equivalent to 37 percent of its GDP. The loans were primarily taken out for infrastructure projects such as roads, railways, and the electrification of rural areas. A large portion of the debt is external, but there is also significant domestic debt owed to banks and businesses.
Despite efforts and a debt relief program from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Kenya remains trapped in a debt spiral, as infrastructure investments have not generated the expected revenues and borrowing costs remain high. The mounting debt has led to social tensions and protests, as a large segment of the population feels the economic strain.
The debt burden on the Kenyan population is part of a larger problem of public debt in Kenya, which reached approximately 72 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) by the end of 2023. This high level of debt stems primarily from loans taken out for infrastructure projects, as well as from factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic and rising prices for basic foodstuffs and petroleum products. High levels of public debt mean that large portions of government revenue are used for debt servicing, leaving less funding for essential public services such as healthcare, education, and social security. The impact of this debt on the population is evident in significantly higher living costs, for example, for food, medicine, and fuel, which greatly increases the financial burden on the population. Political elites are publicly blamed for the high debt, while price increases and the cost of borrowing exacerbate the situation. Debt has nearly doubled in recent years, triggering protests against tax hikes and economic hardship.
Poverty affects a significant portion of the population. Measured against international purchasing power parity of US$3.00 (adjusted for low-middle-income countries), the poverty rate is projected to decline slightly to 43.8% by 2025, a decrease of 0.7 percentage points. However, national estimates show that the overall poverty rate was 39.8% in 2022 (the most recent comprehensive data available), down from 38.6% in 2021. Multidimensional poverty will affect 25.4% of the population (approximately 13.7 million people) in 2024. Income inequality is worsening, with the Gini coefficient rising from 0.36 in 2020 to 0.39 in 2021. Wealth is highly concentrated: 125 people own as much as the poorest 42% of the population. Economic growth has not been inclusive, thus hindering widespread poverty reduction.
The official unemployment rate is around 5.6%, but broader indicators (including underemployment) reached 13.9% in 2022. Youth unemployment and the NEET (neither employed nor in education) rate are particularly high, exacerbating financial insecurity. The labor market is dominated by the informal sector (81% of employment). There have been no recent minimum wage increases, and the share of the working population in total income is declining. Average household incomes remain low, and a significant proportion of the working population is affected by in-work poverty (less than US$2.15 purchasing power parity per day). Sustained economic growth of 5.8% is needed to absorb the 680,000 people entering the labor market annually; faster structural changes could create 1.36 million jobs and reduce the unemployment rate to 7%.
The labor market is dominated by the informal sector. In summary, Kenya's economic growth, specifically its GDP, has nearly doubled from 9 trillion Kenyan shillings in 2015 to 16.15 trillion Kenyan shillings most recently.
Despite this growth, over 7 million people have fallen into extreme poverty.
Wealth concentration at the top has intensified, with the wealthiest accumulating their wealth significantly faster than the majority.
To reduce inequality and promote more inclusive growth, more targeted government investment in social protection, education, and healthcare is expected.
This challenge of wealth distribution significantly shapes the debates surrounding social justice and policy in Kenya.
@https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/economy/kenya-s-richest-1pc-get-almost-half-of-ten-year-wealth-5278484 @https://www.facebook.com/CitizenTVKe/posts/one-percent-of-kenyas-richest-persons-own-78-percent-of-kenyas-total-financial-w/1444367603715243/ @https://www.facebook.com/CitizenTVKe/posts/125-richest-kenyans-own-more-wealth-than-426-million-people-oxfam-kenya-report-r/1444367203715283/ @https://academic.oup.com/jae/article/33/Supplement_1/i114/7919226
@https://wid.world/country/kenya/ @https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/economy/kenya-s-super-rich-club-shrinks-on-shilling-slide--4294446
@https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/infographics/2025-11-26-which-taxes-are-hitting-your-pocket-most-what-kenyans-said
@https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstreams/ece537e8-b15c-592c-ac1e-58c1d37efe84/download
@https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/63f4e337-96c8-5839-a176-0ee2bc3e4ddc/content
@https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/708144
@https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/374971614531531941/txt/Appraisal-Environmental-and-Social-Review-Summary-ESRS-Kinshasa-Multisector-Development-and-Urban-Resilience-Project-P171141.txt
Samia Suluhu Hassan, stated that the appointment of Dr. Mwigulu Nchemba as Prime Minister of Tanzania
The President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Samia Suluhu Hassan, stated that the appointment of Dr. Mwigulu Nchemba
as Prime Minister of Tanzania was based on rigorous criteria and intense competition among the candidates nominated. Dr. Mwigulu proved himself a suitable candidate due to his qualities and skills in public service.
Dr. Mwigulu Lameck Nchemba is a Tanzanian economist and prominent politician of the CCM. Prior to his appointment as Prime Minister, he served as Minister of Finance from 2021 and previously held several other key ministerial posts, including Minister of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries, Minister of the Interior, and Minister of Constitutional and Legal Affairs. He has been a Member of Parliament for the Iramba West constituency since 2010.
Dr. Nchemba was born on January 7, 1975, in the Iramba District of the Singida Region. He earned his doctorate in economics from the University of Dar es Salaam between 2012 and 2018 and has extensive experience in both business and public service.
On Friday, November 14, 2025, President Samia addressed the public at Chamwino State House in Dodoma immediately following the swearing-in of Dr. Nchemba. He stated that the decision was made after a thorough review of the experience and contributions of all the proposed candidates. One of the main reasons for appointing Dr. Mwigulu was his long service to the people of Tanzania in various senior government positions.
President Samia emphasized that Dr. Mwigulu's work in a senior position at the Ministry of Finance had given him a deep understanding of the access and management systems for government funds—an essential skill for coordinating the work of various ministries and government institutions. “We have examined all the criteria in different areas of service to this country. Our priority is to find someone who knows how to serve the citizens of the United Republic of Tanzania,” said President Samia.
@https://udakuspecially.com/rais-samia-ataja-sababu-kwanini-kamchagua-mwigulu-kuwa-waziri-mkuu/
Dienstag, 2. Dezember 2025
Zimbabwean tycoon Frank Buyanga has been imprisoned in Johannesburg
Relations between Tanzania and the EU are marked by mistrust.
Relations between Tanzania and the EU are marked by mistrust.
This statement hits a nerve. Relations are indeed strained and characterized by strategic mistrust, primarily due to differences in values (human rights) and economic interests (EPA). The era of an uncritical, development-policy-centric partnership is over. Tanzania insists on a relationship of equals and is utilizing its new foreign policy options. The future of the partnership depends on finding a new mode of interaction that respects Tanzania's sovereign interests without neglecting the shared interests of stability, sustainability, and development.
The main reasons for this mistrust are primarily:
- Human rights and the rule of law. The EU has repeatedly expressed concern about developments in Tanzania. These include, for example, restrictions on freedom of expression and of the press (e.g., restrictive media laws, media closures); restrictions on the political opposition and civil society; and human rights issues, particularly in relation to governance.
... Since taking office in 2021, President Samia Suluhu Hassan has taken steps to improve Tanzania's democratic standing and international relations. These include lifting bans on opposition rallies, engaging in dialogue with critics, and promising constitutional reforms. This has been welcomed by the EU and has led to a relaxation of relations compared to the strained Magufuli era.
The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is a key point of contention. The EU remains Tanzania's most important trading partner. Major exports include agricultural products (coffee, cashew nuts, flowers, fish), minerals (gold, nickel), and increasingly, manufactured goods. Tanzania also imports machinery, equipment, and pharmaceuticals from the EU. This is a protracted and difficult point of negotiation.
Tanzania has not ratified the signed agreement due to concerns about its own industrialization and the protection of its emerging industries. Many in Tanzania view the EPA as unilaterally favoring the EU and fear negative consequences for the local economy. This rejection is a key stumbling block.
Tanzania, like many other African states, is increasingly emphasizing its sovereignty and pursuing a policy of "multi-aligned" foreign relations. This means entering into partnerships with a variety of actors (e.g., China, Russia, the Gulf States, Turkey) and no longer aligning itself exclusively with the EU. The EU often views this rapprochement with concern, as it sees itself as another power.
Historically strained relations and the perception that the EU adopts a paternalistic or patronizing tone and seeks to impose unfair trade conditions fuel mistrust on the Tanzanian side.
Tanzania and the partnership framework—this is perhaps the most important and recent development. The EU increasingly views Tanzania as a crucial partner in managing migration routes, particularly from the Horn of Africa to Europe via the "southern route."
In return for Tanzania's cooperation in border management, combating smuggling and human trafficking, and the potential reception of migrants and refugees, the EU is offering substantial financial assistance, development support, and political engagement. This includes funding for border security, training, and addressing the root causes of migration.
This partnership has drawn sharp criticism from human rights organizations (such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch). They argue that Tanzania's human rights situation (particularly under the previous Magufuli government, although some improvements have been observed under President Samia) is concerning regarding the treatment of migrants and refugees. The agreement risks outsourcing EU border controls to countries with weaker protections, potentially violating international refugee law. Tanzania could prioritize the EU's security interests over the rights and needs of migrants and asylum seekers.
Tanzania views this as an opportunity to secure much-needed financial resources and development aid. It emphasizes its role as a "responsible partner" for regional stability and migration management.
Montag, 1. Dezember 2025
Egypt is poised for groundbreaking archaeological discoveries, say scientists.
Egypt is poised for groundbreaking archaeological discoveries, say scientists.
A magnificent temple from the reign of Ramses II, dating back to the 13th century BC, remains unexcavated in Akhmim (Sohag Province).
Temples from the time of Ramses II are significant ancient Egyptian structures, primarily built in the 13th century BC. Two of the most famous temples from his reign are the Temple of Abydos and the rock-cut temples of Abu Simbel.
The Temple of Abydos, built around 1250 BC, was a cult building dedicated to Ramses II and the gods Osiris, Isis, and Horus. This temple has a typical Late Rich Egyptian plan with pylons, open courtyards, hypostyle halls, and a sanctuary with several shrines. It was also a center for royal and funerary cults, featuring numerous reliefs and chapels dedicated to various deities and royal ancestors. Unfortunately, the Abydos Temple is only partially preserved in ruins today; the roof and parts of the courtyards are particularly missing.
The rock-cut temples of Abu Simbel are arguably the most impressive monuments of Ramses II. They consist of two main temples: the Great Temple, dedicated to Ramses II himself, with a facade dominated by four 20-meter-high statues of the pharaoh, and a smaller temple dedicated to his wife, Queen Nefertari. The Great Temple is also dedicated to the sun god Ra-Horakhty and is meant to demonstrate the divine power of Ramses II. These temples, hewn from the rock, are masterpieces of the architecture of the time and symbols of the pharaoh's power.
The Abydos Temple and the Abu Simbel temples, in particular, are the outstanding architectural monuments from the time of Ramses II, representing his political and religious power as well as his worship by the gods.
“Once Egypt secures the funding and part of the city is relocated to a suitable site nearby, we will see a nearly completely preserved temple from the time of Ramses II,” said one scholar.
Ramses II, one of the most important rulers of ancient Egypt, reigned for over 60 years in the 13th century BC and led Egypt to significant military victories and territorial expansion, he added.
All classical genres of modern literature can be traced back to ancient Egypt, which also laid the foundations of modern medicine and significantly influenced Greece, Rome, and Europe.
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tempel_des_Ramses_II._von_Abydos
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-HEf6ZrP-fY https://www.sterntours.de/aegypten-reisen/aegypten-reisefuehrer/abu-simbel
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Simbel
Gambia Grants Humanitarian Asylum to Cameroonian Opposition Leader Bakary
Gambia Grants Humanitarian Asylum to Cameroonian Opposition Leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary
Issa Tchiroma Bakary is a prominent Cameroonian politician who was long an ally and spokesperson for President Paul Biya. During the 2025 presidential elections, he shifted from a supporter of Biya to a serious challenger. His transformation from a government minister defending Biya's policies to a leading opposition figure marks a significant political shift in Cameroon.
Fleeing for his safety after the controversial 2025 presidential election, Cameroonian opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary was taken in by Gambia on November 7, 2025, which granted him temporary asylum on humanitarian grounds.
He arrived in Gambia "for purely humanitarian reasons," according to an official statement released Sunday from Banjul.
In addition to humanitarian considerations, Gambia is working with regional partners such as Nigeria to support a peaceful political solution to the post-election tensions in Cameroon. Bakary had disputed the official election results, which declared long-time President Paul Biya the winner, and claimed victory for himself. His opposition work and calls for protests led to political persecution and post-election violence, ultimately forcing his flight. Before arriving in Gambia, Bakary had temporarily sought refuge in Nigeria.
The temporary asylum was granted in the spirit of African solidarity in light of the post-election tensions in Cameroon. The measure is intended to ensure the safety of Tchiroma, the president of Cameroon's National Salvation Front, according to the statement.
The country added that subversive activities would not be tolerated on Gambian territory.
Banjul is working with regional partners, including Nigeria, to find a peaceful solution to the crisis in Cameroon and reaffirmed its commitment to peace and stability in West and Central Africa.
So far, there has been no official reaction from Yaoundé.
The Lion of Sierra Leone
The Lion of Sierra Leone
The Lion of Sierra Leone is a title that can refer to two very different, yet equally significant things: a world-famous diamond and a revered historical figure.
The Diamond: The 968.9-Carat Star of Sierra Leone
This is the most common name for the Lion of Sierra Leone. It is one of the largest gem-quality diamonds ever discovered.
The Lion of Sierra Leone was discovered on February 14, 1972, in the Diminco alluvial mines in the Kono District of Sierra Leone.
The Lion of Sierra Leone weighs an incredible 968.9 carats in its rough state. It is the third-largest gem-quality rough diamond ever found (after the Cullinan and Excelsior diamonds).
It was discovered by miners as part of a government-sponsored mining program.
The rough diamond was cut into 17 individual stones. The largest of these is a 153.96-carat emerald-cut diamond, which was stolen from the American Museum of Natural History in a 1994 burglary and later recovered. Many of the other stones were also sold to private collectors.
The discovery of this diamond was a source of immense national pride for Sierra Leone, a country whose economy is heavily reliant on diamond mining. At the same time, however, it is part of the complex and often tragic history of "blood diamonds" or "conflict diamonds," whose trade fueled a brutal civil war (1991–2002).
And now to the historical figure: Sir Samuel Lewis (1843–1903).
This is a historically and honorably worthy tribute. Sir Samuel Lewis was a prominent Sierra Leonean of the Krio ethnic group and is considered a national hero. Because of his intellect, leadership, and tireless dedication to his people, he is often called the "Lion of Sierra Leone."
Samuel Lewis was the first Sierra Leonean to be knighted (1896) and a brilliant lawyer.
Samuel Lewis fearlessly defended the rights of the Krio and all Sierra Leoneans against the overbearing colonial policies of the British administration.
He was also the first mayor of Freetown.
Samuel Lewis was a founding member and the first president of the Sierra Leonean branch of the National Congress of British West Africa, which campaigned for greater rights and self-determination.
Known for his eloquent speeches and unwavering principles, Samuel Lewis embodied the strength and intelligence of his nation, like a lion.
A statue of Sir Samuel Lewis stands in the center of Freetown—a lasting memorial to his legacy.
So when someone speaks of the "Lion of Sierra Leone", they could either mean a legendary gemstone representing the country's mineral wealth, or a legendary man who embodies its spirit and intellect.
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