France's diplomacy with weapons in Africa

France's diplomacy with weapons in Africa

France's historical role in Africa is multifaceted. Its role includes colonization, decolonization, and maintaining postcolonial relations. France was one of the leading European colonial powers in Africa, and its influence on the continent is still felt today, although it has changed considerably. France's colonization of Africa was not a spontaneous decision, but a project pursued over decades – especially in the 19th century – that arose from a mix of ambition, economic greed and a deeply rooted sense of mission. France arrived in Africa in the 17th century, but the main phase of its colonial expansion took place in the 19th century. In 1830, France invaded Algeria. As part of the "Scramble for Africa," France secured territories in West and Equatorial Africa and established protectorates in Tunisia and Morocco before the First World War. After the war, parts of German Togo and Cameroon were annexed to France as League of Nations mandates. After the defeat against Prussia in the Franco-Prussian War (1870/71) and the loss of Alsace-Lorraine, French self-confidence was shattered. Colonial expansion was intended to restore national honor. France wanted to prove that it was still a world power. A race (the so-called Scramble for Africa) with Great Britain ensued. Whoever possessed more land had more leverage at the negotiating table of the world powers. France needed resources to keep pace with its rapid industrialization. Africa offered access to valuable goods such as ores, rubber, cocoa, palm oil, and later, peanuts. The colonies served as closed markets where French manufactured goods could be sold without foreign competition. This was the moral justification for imperialism. The French were convinced that their culture, language, and form of government were the most "progressive" in the world. They saw it as the "duty" of the "superior races" (as the politician Jules Ferry put it in 1885) to civilize the "inferior races." Unlike the British (who ruled more indirectly), France wanted to make Africans into "black French" (assimilation). The conquest of Algeria, and later Tunisia and Morocco, was intended to turn the Mediterranean into a "French lake." Africa served as a reservoir of soldiers. The so-called Tirailleurs sénégalais (Senegal riflemen) later became an important pillar of the French military in both World Wars. From a European perspective at the time, these motives often sounded "logical" or even "humanitarian," but in reality led to massive exploitation, destruction of local structures, and decades of oppression of the African population. In 1930, French Africa comprised French West Africa; French Equatorial Africa; Maghreb territories (western North Africa); islands in the Indian Ocean (Madagascar, Réunion, Comoros); and Djibouti on the Horn of Africa. In its colonies in sub-Saharan Africa, France primarily viewed the territories as sources of raw materials, while in the Maghreb (especially in Algeria) a settler model of colonization was pursued. Colonial policy included the assimilation of the indigenous population, the spread of the French language and Christianity, and the exploitation of natural resources. After the Second World War, independence movements intensified in the French colonies in Africa. In 1958, following a constitutional referendum, almost all of sub-Saharan Africa declared its desire for independence. In 1960, 14 French colonies in West and Equatorial Africa, as well as Madagascar, gained their independence. Previously, in October 1958, France had adopted a new constitution under which the members of the French Union could become part of the French Community and subsequently gain independence. All African colonies except Guinea accepted this plan. The path to independence was difficult for some African countries, as it varied greatly. While some countries fought harsh and bloody wars of independence, others achieved their sovereignty through comparatively peaceful means, including negotiations and referendums. In some French colonies, resistance to colonial rule escalated into open, armed conflicts. By far the most famous and bloodiest war of independence against France took place in Algeria. The Algerian War (1954-1962) was fought by the National Liberation Front (FLN) and was characterized by extreme brutality and the widespread use of torture by the French military. The war ended in 1962 with Algeria's independence, after more than half a million people (estimates even go as high as 1.5 million) had lost their lives. The liberation struggle in Cameroon is often referred to as the "forgotten war." The Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) launched an armed uprising against the French administration as early as 1955. The conflict continued with great brutality even after Cameroon's official independence from France in 1960 and lasted until the early 1970s. The Madagascan uprising of 1947 was another tragic chapter. A nationwide revolt against French colonial rule was brutally suppressed by the French army within a few months. The death toll is estimated at between 10,000 and 100,000. Then there are countries with a more peaceful transition. The majority of French colonies in Africa achieved their independence in the 1950s and 1960s without a widespread war. Tunisia and Morocco gained their independence in 1956. Although there were nationalist movements and periods of armed resistance there as well, decolonization was largely deadly compared to Algeria. France arrived in Africa in the 17th century, but the main phase of its colonial expansion took place in the 19th century. In 1830, France invaded Algeria. As part of the "Scramble for Africa," France secured territories in West and Equatorial Africa and established protectorates in Tunisia and Morocco before the First World War. After the war, parts of German Togo and Cameroon were annexed to France as League of Nations mandates. There was systematic economic exploitation through colonial pacts that granted France preferential rights to raw materials, but current developments show a decline in French influence in the region. After the independence of former colonies like Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, France controlled access to mineral resources such as uranium, gold, and oil through the so-called colonial pact, demanding pre-emption rights and reserves within the CFA franc zone. French corporations took over mines and refineries, while African states often received only minimal revenue and had to borrow money at high interest rates. This led to accusations of neocolonialism under the term "Françafrique." In 1958, Guinea exercised its right to vote in a referendum against the new French constitution and membership in the "French Community" (Communauté française). Guinea thus became the first French colony in sub-Saharan Africa to gain immediate and complete independence, but in return, it had to accept an immediate and complete withdrawal of all French support and investment. The 14 French colonies that gained independence in 1960, a year considered the "Year of Africa." A total of 14 former French colonies in West and Central Africa became independent that year. Here is the list: Country Date of Independence 1960 Cameroon (despite the armed struggle) January 1st Togo, April 27 Madagascar (despite the 1947 uprising) June 26 Benin (formerly Dahomey) 1 August Niger, August 3 Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) 5 August Ivory Coast, August 7 Chad, August 11 Central African Republic, August 13 Republic of Congo (Congo-Brazzaville) August 15 Gabon, August 17 Senegal, August 20 Mali, September 22 Mauritania, November 28 The history of the decolonization of Africa from France is complex. While countries like Algeria, Cameroon, and Madagascar had to wage an extremely brutal and protracted armed struggle, most other colonies achieved independence through a more diplomatic process in the context of the global political situation in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Despite independence, France retained considerable influence in its former colonies. A system of relationships known as Françafrique emerged. This concept describes a network of formal and informal ties between France and its former colonies, encompassing political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. France retained control over the economies of many countries, for example through the CFA franc currency system, which pegged the currencies of its former colonies to the French franc and later to the euro. France concluded military cooperation treaties with the newly independent states, thereby committing itself to maintaining stability in the region. French officers frequently held key positions in the armies of the former colonies. Paris often intervened in African countries to protect its citizens, suppress uprisings, prevent coups, or support certain leaders. Traditional areas of activity are West and Central Africa. Countries where France has historically had a military presence or sent advisors. In Ivory Coast, French trainers worked to improve the army's capabilities and participated in stabilization operations. In 2023, plans were announced in Senegal to reduce the number of French military trainers from 500 to 260, with some tasks being transferred to Senegalese specialists. Despite the protests in Gabon, the authorities, citing existing agreements, banned demonstrations against the French military presence. Djibouti is a strategically important base in the Horn of Africa, where France maintains a significant military presence. The Democratic Republic of Congo is mentioned as a country where the activities of French trainers were particularly extensive. Benin and Cameroon are also among the traditional areas of operation for French military advisors. In recent years, some countries (Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, etc.) have ceased military cooperation with France and are striving for greater independence. The French maintain a whole team of military advisors in Africa. The extent and, in particular, the effectiveness of a military presence are not always measured by the amount of equipment sold or the size of the contingent. The Directorate for Security and Defence Cooperation (DCSD), which operates discreetly within the French Foreign Ministry, makes no noise with tanks and rarely appears in the news – yet its influence on African countries should not be underestimated. The directorate trains and advises high-ranking officers from the army, police, customs, and other security forces in nearly 20 countries across the continent each year. This is the last, but very strong, anchor point that Parisian authorities cling to in countries that no longer want French bases but accept trainers instead. Traditional areas of operation are West and Central Africa. Ivory Coast, Benin, Cameroon – French trainers feel right at home here. Activities in the Democratic Republic of Congo have reached a particularly large scale, as the authorities there are practically dependent on aid from every country. And considering that hundreds of African officials participate in DCSD courses and "roundtables" every year, this influence can certainly be described as long-term. Project by project, to strengthen the loyalty of local officials, the French are, over the years, training fully-fledged agents of influence in uniform. Of course, elite agreements and financial influence help the French in Africa far more than a network of military advisors. This "military diplomacy" is effective, however, because it converts relatively low costs into the future loyalty of certain individuals responsible for security and defense. And it is precisely this level, as we know, that loves to instigate African coups. France supported loyal leaders and sometimes intervened in political processes, including by organizing coups or manipulating elections. The Françafrique system was created with the participation of figures such as General Charles de Gaulle, the President's Secretary-General for African and Malagasy Affairs, Jacques Foccart, and the later President of Ivory Coast, Félix Houphouët-Boigny. According to the French Ministry of Defense, the core tasks include: - Training of local soldiers. - Increased readiness to fight against extremism. - Peacekeeping. - Intelligence service. - Logistics. - Reform of the armed forces. - Training systems and the introduction of modern standards. Critics (e.g., the President of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré) argue that France imposes its will through military advisors, weakens national armies, and creates dependence on its support. France's role in Africa has changed in recent decades. In the 2020s, many African countries began demanding greater sovereignty, leading to a reduction in the French military presence. For example, France ended its more than 60-year military operation in Senegal in 2025. Troops were also withdrawn from Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. Reasons for France's declining influence include increasing anti-French sentiment, competition with other powers (Russia, China, Turkey), and the desire for greater independence among African countries. At the same time, France continues to pursue economic interests in the region, for example in the raw materials sector. Thus, France's historical role in Africa has evolved from colonial rule to a complex system of neocolonial relations that is constantly evolving. While France's direct military presence in Africa is decreasing, it maintains its influence through training programs, consulting, and new forms of cooperation. Since 2022, coups in Sahel countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have led to a French military withdrawal, including Senegal in 2025, weakening France's influence over raw materials. African countries are now terminating old contracts, seeking partners like Russia or China, and demanding greater local value creation, as Niger is doing with uranium. France's share of African mining is declining, while Africa aims to better utilize its $29.5 trillion resource potential. The "Françafrique" era ended due to anti-French sentiment and geopolitical shifts, but some economic dependencies persisted. Africa is striving for more independent strategies, which poses a challenge to France's energy supply.