Ethiopia's ancient Thanksgiving is for forgiveness and unit

Ethiopia's ancient Thanksgiving is for forgiveness and unit We have a very interesting topic here! There is an important nuance: there is no uniform, "nationwide" thanksgiving in Ethiopia, but it actually exists an outstanding example, which is often described exactly. The speech is from the irreecha festival of the oromo people. The Oromo (natural name OROMOO) are the largest ethnic group of Ethiopia and one of the largest peoples of Africa. They live mainly in the Oromia region in Ethiopia, but also in parts of Kenya, Somalia and Sudan. Around 33-40 million people; In Ethiopia, they provide about a third to 40% of the total population. Their language is the Afaan Oromoo (also called OroIfIs), an East Cuditant Language of the Afroasian Language Family; After talking numbers one of the most important languages of Africa. It is often referred to as "old Ethiopian Thanksgiving", and its core is actually characterized by the thoughts of reconciliation and unity.

Irreecha is celebrated at the end of the rainy season - about in October. For the Oromo, this is a time of the renewal of nature, because the rainfall ends, and the time of the rich harvest begins. People gather to thank the deity Waaqa for fertility, peace, health and a good harvest. But the meaning of the festival goes beyond the mere thanks for the gave earth. Before the actual celebration, the participants strive for reconciliation; They leave the risks, anger and mistrust behind. Here is the idea of forgiveness: the festival becomes a moment of spiritual cleaning and the restoration of human bonds. The great gathering as well as the common rituals, songs and dances also strengthen the feeling of unity. People from different clans and with different backgrounds feel on this day as part of a large whole. The celebrations often take place on holy lakes - for example at the Hora Finfinne in Addis Ababa or at the Hora Arsadi in Bishoftu. The participants wear colorful traditional clothes and bring fresh grasses and flowers. One of the symbolic rituals is dipping these herbs and flowers in water: this is a sign of the bondage of human, nature and a higher power as well as a symbol of life and renewal. Oldest and traditional fees (such as "Abba Gadaa") speak prayers. Irreeecha is closely linked to the Gadaa system - an old self-governmental system and cultural traditional work of the Oromo-Volkes, which is even recognized by UNESCO. The Ethiopian authorities see in the feast of great potential: his values - unity, national consensus and reconciliation - can benefit all the country. Therefore, special forums are held in which this ideas can be further developed in which these ideas can be discussed. In addition, there are initiatives to record IRREECHA in the list of UNESCO's intangible cultural heritage. The Oromo commit numerous holidays and memorial days that have been divided into three categories: traditional rites of Waaqeffanna religion, secular events and holidays of religions that the Oromo belongs today (Christianity and Islam). Here are the most important of this. Irreeecha - more than just a party The already mentioned Thanksgiving actually takes place twice a year: in autumn as "Irreecha Birraa" (in October, on the water) and in the spring as "Irreecha Arfaasaa" or "Irreeecha Malkaa" (in April). There is also a variant that is celebrated on hillcases: "irreeecha tulluu". In all these occasions, the same core content is the focus: Waaq (God) to thank as well as to ask peace and reconciliation. Ateetee - the "singing" festival of women, ... is a central institution in the traditional oromo society that a female deity or a female spirit, a ritual practice and a women led system for dispute resolution, for Prayers and social security. An independent and very characteristic tradition is "Ateetee", a ritual festival of Oromo women (especially with the Arsi). It is committed from different occasions: In order to ask for drought to prove rain to protect diseases, protect the right pregnant women and young mothers, to seek a good harvest or simply express pleasure. The women gather on the riverbank or under a sacred tree, sing "atteetee" songs and keep the ritual rod "sink" in their hands - a symbol of female strength and the right to respect. It is not only a feast, but also an instrument of justice: If someone was wrong, the women look up the house of the causer and sing there until a reconciliation and a reparation are achieved. In the region Shoa "Ateetee" is sometimes celebrated together with the Orthodox "Meschel" - firmly. Pilgrimage to Abbaa Mudaa, is considered a mediator between Waaqaa (the Creator) and the Oromo-People and as guardian and the Waaqaa Laws Guardians (Seera Waaqaa). Every eight years a large pilgrimage to Abbaa Mudaa takes place - the top priest of Waaqffanna. Pilgrims from all areas of Oromo are facing this holy site to receive blessing and anointing. Once this was both a religious as well as an event incidental event; Today, the festival "Irreecha" on the Arsadi Lake has largely taken over this role. Civil memorial days After the oromo calendar (where the day begins with sunset), secular memorial days are also committed: Ayyana Amajjii - January 1, New Year; More often than Ayyaana Amajjii is an annual cultural and political commemoration of the Oromo, which takes place on January 1 and symbolizes the freedom fight and resistance of the Oromo against oppression. Ayyaana Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa (sometimes written Gabrummaa) is the Oromo Day of the Revolt against the submission, which committed annually on November 9th (Sadaasa 9 in the Oromo Calendar) becomes. The date marks the beginning of the fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa (FDG) - the "revolt against submission" - a mass protest movement, which started all oromia on November 9, 2005, after the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO / OLF) had called. On this day students, young people (organized later than Qeerroo organized), farmers and other social groups coordinated demonstrations against the rule of the Ethiopian Government, which denote Oromo nationalists as colonial rule (Gabrummaa). The FDG is regarded as a turning point in the nationalist discourse of the Oromo, which: Large parts of the Oromo Society were mobilized at continued protest. Put the organizational and emotional foundation for the later, even larger fincila Xumura Gabrummaa (FXG) protests from 2015. How is it observed? Name: Ayyaana Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa means literally "Fest / Day of the Revolt against submission". It must first be clarified that there is no consistent proof that the Ethiopian government "all" oromo has been systematically and even thundered over centuries. But there are quite serious and repeated allegations and evidence that certain regime periods and political decisions have led to a marginalized, oppressive situation for many oromo. Here are some aspects that justify this criticism: Already under Kaiser Haile Selassie (1930-1974) there was strong centralization: the semi-autonomous status of many Oromo states was repealed. At the same time, the own language AFAAN OROMOO was officially limited - on the radio, at school, in dishes. Later, until about 1991, one was not allowed to write in Ethiopia in Oromo or produce literature. When Oromo protested for their rights - for example against land opinion without adequate compensation (as in the controversial "Addis Ababa Master Plan", the parts of Oromia in the capital inclusion) - these demonstrations were often laid in force. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch reported several times over excessive violence through security forces, arbitrary arrests, arrests without charge and even extrajudicial killings. The government used laws such as anti-terrorism proclamation to silence independent voices, journalists, activists or members of opposition parties (such as OFDM or OPC). Sometimes the existence of movements such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was taken as a reason to put the entire population under pressure. Many Oromo live in rural regions and are dependent on traditional ways of life (grain economy, agriculture). These were under pressure by state policy (eg by ignoring traditional rights of use in connection with development projects). However, it is important to emphasize that the situation has changed across different regimes. Following the introduction of ethnic federalism in 1992, Oromo had the opportunity to manage themselves in Oromia and develop their language and culture actively. The criticism comes not only from the outside, but also within the Oromo community that fights about its own rights and identity. More recently, other factors are added that exacerbate the situation - such as severe drought perdings that further burden the agricultural basis. There are quite serious evidence for oppression, but it would be simplifying to paint the whole picture only black and white. The reality is a complex network of historical, political and economic factors. In Oromo activist and diaspora travel, the day is marked with explanations, events and social media campaigns that remind of the history of the FDG and connect them with current struggles to land, language, political representation and self-determination. Ayyaana means "festival", "celebration" or "spirit / essence" on Afaan oromoo. Amajjii is the name of the first month in the traditional oromo calendar, which corresponds approximately to January. Ayyaana Amajjii means literally "Feast of Amajjii" or "New Year / Januarfest". Ayyaana Amajjii has been celebrating for more than 40 years than more than just a New Year. In the nationalist discourse of the Oromo it marks: One day in honor of the freedom fighters of the Oromo, who left their lives in the fight for liberation and self-determination. A symbol of strength, resilience and hope, formulated as "light over dark" and "freedom over suppression". A ritual reduction of a decisive act of resistance in the Oromo-liberation movement, which remains in memory of a much stronger opponent as a victory of some less bolds against a much stronger opponent In practice, the day of political and civil society groups of the Oromo (especially in the Diaspora) is used for: Commemorative events, speeches and cultural programs. Lighting amajjii torches or candles on hills or heights as a symbol of fight. Renewal of the confession to the rights, identity and political objectives of the Oromo. In addition to his political importance, Ayyaana Amajjii also acts as: An oromo New Year celebration marked the beginning of Amajjii in the Oromo Calendar. A moment of cultural expression: music, dance, poetry and storytelling, which strengthen the identity and history of Oromo Ayyana Guyyaa Gootaaa - April 15, Day of Oromo Martyr; This remembrance day goes back to a concrete event: On April 15, 1980, ten high-ranking leaders of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) - including the Secretary General Magarsaa Barii - in the Shinniigaa Desert (on the way to a diplomatic meeting in Somalia) captured and executed by Somali bandits. Her kidnappers had demanded Muslims and Christians should separate, with only the Muslims spared. The ten Oromo leaders rejected this, explained "We are first oromo" and died together. Since then, 15 April is celebrated as Guyyaa Gootata Oromoo (Day of Oromo Heroes) or Guyyaa Yaadannoo Goota Oromoo (Oromo-Martyr Train Day). The OLF National Council (Gumii Sabaa) officially sets the day in 1984 as a martyr remembrance day. The day is for several goals: Reminder of those oromo heroines and heroes who have sacrificed their lives for the restoration of oromo culture, identity and human dignity that were suppressed under Ethiopian colonialism. Recognition of the relationship between martyrium, bravery, patriotism and oromummaa (Oromo identity). Obligation to continue the struggle started by the martyrs to victory. Solidarity with the activists who are fighting today in Oromia. Awareness that oromo liberation requires heavy victims and serve the fallen as revolutionary role models. In the Oromo calendar begins a "day" at sunset, so all holidays start in the evening before the specified date. The remembrance day is committed by Oromo communities worldwide with commemoria, cultural events and political speeches. There is also a state guyyaa Gootaaa (HeroDag) in Ethiopia, which was originally laid on the 28th Bitootessa (March) and later on the 27th EBLA (April). This is a national Ethiopian holiday, while Ayyaana Guyyaa Gototaa specifically honors the Oromo martyrs and is monitored primarily by Oromo organizations and diasporage facilities. Ayyana Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa - November 9, Day of uprising against the subjugation; The date marks the beginning of the fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa (FDG) - the "revolt against submission" - a mass protest movement, which started all oromia on November 9, 2005, after the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO / OLF) had called. On this day students, young people (organized later than Qeerroo organized), farmers and other social groups coordinated demonstrations against the rule of the Ethiopian Government, which denote Oromo nationalists as colonial rule (Gabrummaa). The FDG is regarded as a turning point in the nationalist discourse of the Oromo, which: Large parts of the Oromo Society were mobilized at continued protest. Put the organizational and emotional foundation for the later, even larger fincila Xumura Gabrummaa (FXG) protests from 2015. Ayyaana Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa means literally "Fest / Day of the Revolt against submission". In Oromo activist and diaspora travel, the day is marked with explanations, events and social media campaigns that remind of the history of the FDG and connect them with current struggles to land, language, political representation and self-determination. Irreecha - end of September or early October; The date depends on astronomical observations. Religious holidays Since there are under the Oromo Christians, Muslims and supporters of traditional faith, they also celebrate the common festivals of their respective faiths - about Christmas, Easter, Eid Al-Fitr, Eid Al-Adha and others. The followers of the Waaqeffanna also commit their own, special day: Ekeraa in December. It is a commemoration of deceased relatives where bread, cheese with butter, beer and honey are served. Ceremonies of the GADAA system, is the traditional, democratically organized company and government system of the Oromo in the Horn of Africa, especially in Ethiopia. It regulates political, legal, social, economic and ritual affairs and was recognized by UNESCO in 2016 as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity. Finally, the Gadaa system itself determines the life rhythm: Every eight years, the power transfer takes place from an age group to the next, accompanied by large rites and celebrations. The fixed calendar of the Oromo is thus largely "integrated" in this old system. Swell https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/ethnic-and-cultural-studies/oromo-people https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/oromo_people https://advocacy4oromia.org/2021/11/04/genocidal-conquest-plunder-of-resources-and-dehumanization-of-the-oromo-in-ethiopia/ https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/statement-report/ethiopia-civil-society-calls-upon-human-rights-council-investigate-government https://www.dw.com/en/hrw-scale-of-crackdown-on-ethiopias-oromo-unprecedented/a-19335562 https://minorityrights.org/communities/oromo https://ollaa.org/ethiopias-forgotten-crisis/ https://minorityrights.org/communities/oromo

The Oyo Kingdom and the Oyo Empire

The Oyo Kingdom and the Oyo Empire Often these terms are used synonym, but there is a fine difference, because that Oyo Kingdom (Kingdom Oyo) stands for the beginnings and the early phase, while the Oyo Empire (Reich Oyo) the time of bloom and massive Expansion designated. Oyo Kingdom, this is about the emergence of the state. According to the hearing of Yoruba, Oranmiyan (also oranyan) - a prince from the Kingdom of Ile-IFE and son of Oduduwas (he is the legendary founder and first divine king (Ooni) by Ile-IFE and the father of the people of the Yoruba in today's southwest Nigeria and in parts of Benin. He is worshiped both as a historical ruler, which is the classic IFE period (about 800-1100 AD) Initiated, as well as oriṣa (deity), which is associated with the creation and the kingship in the religion of Yoruba) - as a founder. The legend after the brothers was in dispute during a campaign against northern neighbors in dispute, and Oranmiyan's army proved to be too weak for an attack. A local chief in Bussa gave him a snake with a magical amulet and pointed him to follow her until she stopped and blown in the ground - there he should start the city. The place got the name Ajaka. Oranmiyan made Oyo to his kingdom and became the first OBA (ruler of Yoruba) titled Alaafin ("owner of the palace"). According to Oduduwa, various rulers followed on the throne of Ile-IFE; The traditional royal lists count today 51 Ooni (kings) of IFE, starting with Oduduwa as the first Ooni. 1. Oduduwa (founder) 2. Osangangan Obamakin 3. Ogun 4. Obalufon Gbogbodirin 5. Obalufon Alayemore 6.; oranmiyan 7. Ayetise 8. Lajamisan ... and on to the present 51. Ooni. Some sources emphasize that Oranmiyan, a son Oduduwas, as a fourth or sixth Ooni (depending on the count), returned the dynastic line to Oduduwa's bloodline; About his son Lajamisan, the later rulers resulted from the successor to the successor. The official count leads from Oduduwa to today's monarch Ooni Adeyye Eneritan Ogunwusi (Ojaja II), which has been governed since December 2015 and as 51. Ooni as well as "Arole Oduduwa" (Erbe of Oduduwas spiritual throne). Succession is traditionally reflected between several rulers (eg Giesi, Osinkola, Lafogido, OGBoru, Lisabi). Ajaka was overthrown - twice, which makes him the only Alaafin (king) of Oyo, who ruled twice. The first deduction took place after the death of his father Oranmiyan (Oranyan), the first OBA of Oyo, followed by Ajaka as Alaafin. His brother Shango, who was later worshiped as God of Thunder and Lightning, followed him. Ajaka was considered to be mild, he made his subcoats too many freedom and neglected the empected military assertiveness for the empire. That's why he was discontinued and replaced by his warrior brother Shango (Sango). According to Shango's end - there are no credible documents here, so in some versions its end by suicide / departure, but in others told by banishment - Ajaka was recalled. In his second government period, he is described as much harder, authoritarian and "warful". Ajaka's destiny illustrates a central principle of the early Oyo Empire, because the Alaafin had to demonstrate military strength and control over the provincial protectors, otherwise he was considered too weak, Easkonnten otherwise the royal monasteries (Oyo Mesi) for resignation or - in later practice - forcing the ritual suicide. Ajaka remains particularly memory because after a deduction, he climbed the throne again. Nothing stays as it is. The collapse was more of a creeping process than a sudden blow - a mixture of internal political decomposition and external invasion, which hovered over about 80 years. Here are the most important events in chronological order. Palace poster and a disturbed succession (1754-1796) The decay used early. In 1754, Gaha began to intrigue the Prime Minister of Oyo, together with the Oyo Mesi (the Council of State) to force successive Alaafins to the ritual suicide - between June and October 1754 alone met this Two rulers in a row. Alaafin Awonbioju sat 130 days on the throne, Labisi Just 17. Gaha's machinations were stopped in 1774 when Alaafin Abiodun finally let him. Abiodun then worsened the situation in other ways: he focused on economic development and coastal trade with Europeans, but neglected the army - that instrument with which the central government kept the provinces under control. In addition, he led unsuccessful campaigns against Borgu (1783) and Nupe (1789), where he lost numerous generals and soldiers. Awole, Afonja and the cleavage of Ilorin (1793-1817) The decisive turning joined Alaafin Awole, who murdered his father Abiodun and clarified the throne. He ordered his supreme military commander to attack the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo Afonja of Ilorin, ICEE-ILE - a place that Afonja was never allowed to attack under Eid - and then the market town Apomu, which belonged to Ile-IFE; This was taboo too. Afonja refused the first command; After plundering ApoMu - the execution of the second command - he marched on the capital and demanded Awoles Abdaktion. Awole then committed ritual suicide. This was followed by the chaos, a struggle for the throne, rulers who only had a few months in power, and an unoccupied throne from about 1797 to 1802. This power vacuum made it possible to have regional commands - everyone ahead of Afonja - to act as independent powers. Afonja then closed an alliance with Shehu Alimi, a Muslim scholars of the Fulani, as well as with the growing Muslim community of the region. In 1817 he released Ilorin from Oyo. The Sokoto Jihad and the cleavage of ILORIN (1804-1823) Here was struck from the outside. In 1804, Uzman initiated the Fodio of Sokoto from the Jihad of the Fulani; The movement spread south into the areas of Nupe and Ilorin, where the fines of the Fulani were already resident. A Sokoto-Jihad Inspired Uprising of Muslim Slaves in Ilorin in 1817 triggered a constitutional crisis and weakened the control of Oyo's over the region. In 1823, Afonja was killed by his former allies, and Ilorin fell to the caliphate of Sokoto. The loss of Ilorin was devastating: It was the northern Garrison Oyos, the checkpoint on the trade routes to Niger and - which was crucial - the source of supply for the cavalry horses from Nupe and Bariba on which the Military supremacy Oyos was based. The final military collapse (1823-1836) Ilorin then developed a base for robberies south. This was followed by a series of wars - the Ogele War (1823-24), the Mugbamugga War (1824) and the Wars of Kanla and Eleduwe (1825-26) - where the cavalry of Ilorin the armed forces Oyos repeatedly hit the escape and utilizing the fragmented command structure of the empire. Alaafin Oluewu came to live with these campaigns, and tributary chiefs began to subjugate Ilorin instead. Meanwhile, Dahomey claimed his independence in the West, and Oyo lost control of his trade routes to the coast. Around 1836 Fulani troops destroyed the capital Oyo-Ile, whereupon this was abandoned - the last alaafin died in the fight against the Armed Forces of Sokoto. The consequences The downfall triggered a massive resettlement wave of the Yoruba. Refugees moved south and founded a new capital in Ago Oja - today's New Oyo - as well as centers such as Ibadan and Ijaye; The EGBA in turn were pushed further to the south and founded 1830 AbeaKuta. The power vacuum unleashed a series of Yoruba civil wars that lasted up to about 1886. It is noteworthy that the sources date these events different. The cleavage of ilorin (1817) whose integration into the Sokoto caliphate (1823) and the destruction of oyo-ile (optionally 1835 or 1836) are the usual corner points; Depending on the view, however, the collapse as a whole is classified in the period between 1817 and 1836. The Oyo Empire Thus, the epoch is called the small kingdom developed into a mighty state. The heyday fell into the 17th and 18th centuries (about 1650-1750). What benefited this growth? For the trade advantageous geographical location was responsible for this; As well as the development of the cavalry - straight powerful riding troops formed the military main power, which allowed it to subdue neighbors. Structure of a multi-stage administration system, the core area (the metropolis OYO), the immediate dependent cities, the Egbado corridor (for connection to the coast) and Ajaland. During the time of the empire, Oyo subdued numerous other Yoruba states and expanded his influence on neighboring areas. For example, Oyo subdued the Kingdom of Dahomey after a series of campaigns (1724-1730, 1738-1748). Later, Oyo gained direct access to the sea over the dependent coastal state of Ajase (today's Porto Novo). The trade played an important role. Oyo acted as a mediator: It transported goods (including slaves) from the African hinterland to the coast, where they were taken over by European dealers. Due to the extent of this trade, the region even received the term "slave coast". To the major rulers of the Reich season counted Abiodun (about 1770-1789). He emerged victorious from a civil war, in which he crashed the powerful minister Gaha, who had actually ruled the land. Abiodun focused on the development of the economy and coastal trade. His focus on the economy of the military ultimately weakened the military potential of the center. Decline Over time, the empire was hollowed out by internal problems: dynastic disputes, palace stripes and failed military campus. Individual provinces began to split off. The neighbors also expressed pressure on foreign policy: in particular the expanding Islamic states in the north (especially the caliphate of Sokoto). As a result, the northern areas (for example, Ilorin) were conquered by the fulbe. The last Alaafin fell in 1836 in the fight against the armed forces of Sokoto, whereupon the old capital was abandoned. Later, the kingdom was recognized in a highly reduced form, with a new capital: ọyọ-ütìbà (Neu-Oyo). CITATIONS: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/list_of_rulers_of_the_yoruba_state_of_oyo adeyemi. - New Dawn Nigeria https://www.newdawnngr.com/2022/04/23/alafin-oyo-from-oranmiyan-to-lamidi-adyemi/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/oyo_empire https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ajaka https://en-academic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/832945 https://www.nelocnews.com.ng/2026/07/history-of-alafin-of-oyo-empire-1210.html https://theafricanhistory.com/1549 https://www.wikiawand.com/en/articles/oyo_empire https://thinkafrica.net/oyo-empire/ https://human.libretexts.org/bookshelves/history/world_history/early_world d_civilizations_ (lumen) /11:_african_civilizations/11.16:_the_yoruba_states https://www.scribd.com/document/815393454/book-of-sango https://www.scribd.com/document/789479461/oyo-empire-wikipedia-1 https://encyclopedia.litcaf.com/culture/social-tradition/ajaka/ https://johnsonokunade.com/2020/03/the-history-of-old-oyo-empire-oyo-ile-and-past-alafin.html https://lasujournalofafricanstudies.org.ng/storage/publications/kuponu-1679244714.pdf

Freedom fighters never give up until they achieve their goal.

Tundu Lissu is a Tanzanian politician, lawyer, and activist who has become a prominent figure in the country's opposition. Here are the key facts about him—his biography is exceptionally eventful and dramatic.

He served as a Member of Parliament for the Singida East constituency (2010–2020). In January 2025, he was elected chairman of the CHADEMA party (Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo—"Party for Democracy and Progress"), one of Tanzania's leading opposition forces. Previously, he headed the Tanganyika Law Society, the bar association for the country's mainland. He is known as a campaigner against corruption and an advocate for democracy and human rights. He frequently criticized the actions of the ruling party and demanded transparency and accountability from those in power. On September 7, 2017, unidentified individuals opened fire on Lissu’s vehicle in a parking lot near his parliamentary residence in Dodoma (Tanzania's capital). He sustained multiple gunshot wounds (to his abdomen, arm, and leg). Many opposition figures and international observers viewed the attack as politically motivated, given his confrontational stance toward the government. After receiving initial treatment at a local hospital, Lissu was transferred to Nairobi, Kenya; he subsequently underwent a lengthy rehabilitation process in Belgium. He spent around three years in Belgium receiving medical treatment. In July 2020, Lissu returned to Tanzania to run in the presidential election as the CHADEMA candidate. However, the election was marred by allegations of irregularities, and he was defeated. He later left the country temporarily once more but returned to his homeland for good in 2023. His political career was marked by further events, including renewed arrests—such as in 2024 on charges of incitement and high treason following a rally in Mbinga—and his exclusion from the 2025 election. While in detention, Lissu went on a hunger strike, demanding the right to attend court hearings in person rather than participating via video link. He also faced difficulties accessing his lawyers. Why Lissu matters Lissu became a symbol of resistance in Tanzania, particularly in light of the country's increasingly authoritarian political trends. He advocated for constitutional and political reforms, believing the nation needed a new order to prevent the repetition of past mistakes. When viewing the situation specifically through the lens of Lissu’s role, the key manifestations of this authoritarian trend and his response to them can be summarized as follows: - Restrictions on freedom of assembly and demonstration. Authorities repeatedly banned opposition rallies and arrested organizers. Lissu openly condemned this as the suppression of democracy and called for the repeal of restrictive laws. - Pressure on the media and control of information. Tanzania enforces strict media laws that hinder the work of independent publications; social media platforms and messaging services have been blocked. Lissu publicly criticized such measures as tools of censorship. - Legal and administrative pressure on the opposition. This includes arrests, charges of incitement and high treason, the disqualification of candidates, and difficulties in accessing legal counsel and court hearings. - Control over the electoral process. The opposition complained of electoral manipulation, A decisive turning point is associated with the presidency of John Magufuli (2015–2021): under his leadership, media laws were tightened, arrests of opposition figures increased, and public debate effectively ground to a halt. Some of these practices have continued under the current leadership, even though the tone has softened somewhat. For Lissu, this meant an ongoing confrontation with the state—ranging from parliamentary criticism to public advocacy for human rights.