Remembeing of African heroes: Stephen Biko (1946-1977).

Remembeing of African heroes: Stephen Biko (1946-1977). The life of Steve Biko is the story of a man who ignited the spark for mass resistance to systemic racism. I have put together the most important stations of his biography: from his childhood under the conditions of apartheid to his tragic end, which made him a symbol of the fight. Stephen Bantu Biko was a South African politician and founder of the "Black Consciousness" movement. He was born on December 18, 1946 in King William's Town in the South African province of Ostkap. His family lived in modest ratios: The father first worked as a police officer, later as an office worker; The mother was working as a housekeeping at Weißen and later as a cook in a hospital. Probably the hard fate of his mother and the way they were treated, steezing political consciousness decisively shaped. When the boy was four years old, his father died of a disease. Later, during her school time, Biko and his brother Khaya were confronted with injustice: Khaya was accused of having compounds for the armed wing of Pan Africanist Congress; He was arrested and although he was acquitted - otherwise referred to the school. This enhanced steves hatred for the authority. The "Black Consciousness" movement (BCM; German often "Movement of the Black Self-Consciousness") was a South African grass root movement, which from the end of the 1960s as non-violent, anti-apartheid-oriented power Black self-esteem, cultural pride and political independence promoted. The movement emerged from the political vacuum, which was created according to the Sharpeville massacre (1960) and the detention of ANC and PAC leaderships. Her core concern was the psychological and cultural liberation of the black population: blacks should no longer be considered "foreign country" and overcome their dependence on white liberal leadership. "Black" has been deliberately positively and included - as a collective term for all of their skin color discriminated people ("People of Color"). Steve Biko is considered a formative leadership and theoretician of the movement. Important founding organizations were: - SASO (South African Students' Organization, 1969) - exclusively black student organization, from which the BCM philosophy emerged. - BCP (Black Community Program, from approx. 1970) - Local self-help and educational projects in townships. - BPC (Black People's Convention) - Political umbrella organization. Black Consciousness has been described by Biko as "Meeting and Lifestyles": a call to recognize one's own humanity and one's own dignity. The movement emphasized non-violent resistance, Christian-ethical bases and the construction of its own black institutions (education, health, culture). She delighted the participation of white liberal to develop an independent black agenda. The BCM mobilized particularly urban adolescents and contributed significantly to the radicalization of the protest culture, which culminated in the Soweto uprising in 1976. Steve Biko was the central intellectual and moral voice of the black-consciousness movement; His slogan "Black is beautiful" touched her core concerns: "Man, you are Okay as you are - Begin to look upon yourself as a human being." He visited the Brownlee Primary School for two years (it is a public [state] elementary school classified as a "no-fairy school" [school without school fees]; that means that in the context of the South African regulation for non-contributory Schools are not charged obligatory school fees. The school supplies the Township area Ginsberg in King William's Town [often referred to as Qonce today), followed by four years at the Charles Morgan Higher Primary School (is a public elementary school in King William's Town in the South African province of Eastern Cape). He began his training as university entrance qualifiers at the Lovedale Institute (the Lovedale Institute - more precisely: Lovedale Missionary Institution - was a major missionary school and training center of the 19th and 20th centuries In today's South African province of East Cape, famous for the training of generations of black intellectual, clergy, journalists and anti-apartheid activists. Scientists also point out that Lovedale as "Totale Institution" acted, which exercised a strong control over the life of the students, and thus illustrate both the chances and the repressive aspects of mission formation); However, this was three months later due to student strikes. At the Lovedale Institute (Lovedale Missionary Institution), there were repeated student strikes and riots, which often associated with poor food, strict discipline and political tensions. In April 1920, riots started, triggered by complaints about the quality of the bread and changes in the flour used. After mass meetings, the students decided a strike; This was followed by property damage: workshops, sleeping houses and other buildings were devastated, a granary store attached and the electricity plant damaged. The school was temporarily closed. In August 1946, again, a conflict escalated, this time seemingly because of a reduction in sugar-ration and other catering issues. About 200 male students rioted, smashed windows, damaged buildings (u. A. Library, residential buildings, dorms) and tried to put some fire. The student shelter formulated claims and threatened with strike; The line closed the institution for nine weeks. 152 students were charged with "Public Violence", many fined, all excluded from other schools; Later, another 80 was excluded. An Investigation Commission found that there had been continuing restlessness since 1945 and pointed to the influence of the large miner strike of 1946. In 1957, there were protests against food quality; In 1959, Govan Mbeki led a class boycott, whereupon over 200 students were relegated (recovery only against loyalty). In February 1959, more than 300 students organized a leaving march ("Walkout") and left the school. These actions are in the larger context of nationwide protests (bus boycotts, rural uprisings) and the introduction of Bantu Education, which many saw a deterioration of educational opportunities. 1960s: Strike against Republic Foundation and Code of Conduct In 1961, students participated in strikes, u. A. Against the exclusion of the Republic of South Africa; Participants like Larry Konwa were relegated. In the 1960s, students also striked against a new Code of Code of Conduct); Almost 150 students were arrested, the school closed for nine days. Thabo Mbeki introduced a student strike in 1959/1960 and was then referenced by Lovedale. Steve Biko itself was not excluded in Lovedale, but friends of him (eg from Fort Beaufort / Forbes) had been relegated to Lovedale strikes; Such experiences shaped the environment of the black-consciousness movement. The Lovedale strikes are considered early, visible examples of organized black student protests in South Africa and as precursors of the larger school and youth movements of the 1970s 80's) of the upper vintages, whereupon biko to the Catholic Marianhill Institute in Natal (now Kwazulu-Natal, go back to the Mission Station Mariannhill, founded in 1882, from which a separate religious institute and a whole network of schools, seminars and social institutions developed), where he graduated in 1965. From 1966 to 1972 Biko studied medicine at the University of Natal. There, he first met the National Union of South African Students (Nusa) - an organization that was dominated for the rights of blacks but dominated by white students. Biko was disappointed because he realized that it was not sufficient to enable blacks only to participate in the existing society - society itself had to be redesigned on the basis of the culture of the black majority. In 1968, Biko co-founder was the South African Students' organization (SASO) and was the following year the first president. This took the "Black Consciousness" movement (movement for black consciousness) its beginning. Biko defined its core as the awakening of a feeling of self-esteem and would attempt with the black population - characteristics that destroyed the apartheid system. He called the people to be proud of their culture and history and to take the inferiority complexes forced them from the company. The slogan "Black is beautiful" (black is beautiful) interpreted Biko as follows: "Man, you are okay as you are; Start to look at yourself as a person. The apartheid system tried to undermine self-esteem and the dignity of the black population, because this was a central tool to maintain the ruling power of the white minority. The ideologues of apartheids firmly believed in a hierarchy of the breeds. They considered the view that white "superior" are and that blacks are child from nature. On this basis, the systematic discrimination was considered necessary and justified. By making the black population as "different", as less valuable, one could devaluate their dignity in the public discussion. They were not allowed to choose, not to be chosen in political bodies and had no way to decide on their destinies themselves. This exclusion from political participation weakened the self-esteem because it took the prospect of change and self-determination. At the same time, the dignity was undermined by the legal inequality - people were legally placed in a position in which they were treated as citizens second rank. The black population was deported to so-called Homelands (later also referred to as Bantustan) or in remote townships. The intention was to keep the blacks from the economically and cultural centers of the white cities. This insulation destroyed existing communities, made it difficult to gain education and career opportunities, and led to a reduced visibility of black culture and identity. This weakened the self-esteem - people were brought in situations where they were perceived as "other" or marginalized persons. The system used the black population as a cheap worker for the white economy. The working conditions were often bad, the wages low, and there was no real advancement opportunities. This economic dependence and the lack of opportunity to carefully build your own life and family, undergraduate self-esteem. People were pushed into a role in which they were considered only as an instrument for profit profit. Also in the education area, specifically intervened. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 transferred control of the black school to the state and limited the possibilities to convey their own cultural identity and values. The curricula had a minor role. This weakened the self-confidence of children and adolescents - they were educated in an environment in which their culture and history were portrayed as little valuable. So it can be noted that it was not intention to destroy the dignity of the black pure ideological reasons, but this subgrabment was a necessary means to secure the ruling position of the white minority. Through a combination of political, spatial, economic and cultural exclusion, the ability of the black population should be broken to recognize and act as equivalent, self-determined persons. Of course, despite these systematic attacks, the Black Community has great strength and resilience to the day - through resistance, organization and development of movements that ultimately led to the abolition of apartheid. From the late 1960s to the 1970s, Biko expanded his commitment beyond student politics to build a broader movement. Under the roof of the "Black Consciousness" movement, he helped to create networks from citizens' initiatives, health projects and literacy programs. For Biko, in politics, it was not just about rallies and manifests, but to tangible improvements in the lives of people and the construction of institutions that could bear the resistance permanently. His activism aroused the attention of the apartheid regime. In 1973 he was proven with a spell, which meant for him massive limitations of his movement and freedom of speech. Nevertheless, he continued his work in the substrate and continued to organize activities and travel under difficult conditions. During this time he wrote - under a pseudonym - also the influential text "I Write What I Like"; This essay collection was the political and philosophical foundations of the "Black Consciousness" movement. Biko became increasingly interested in the policy of his country, while he had less time for his studies. He was one of the leading representatives of the "Black Consciousness" movement. BIKO was firmly convinced that the "liberation of the black" with a "psychological independence of black" must begin and that white liberals - given the growing awareness of the Africans - no longer as a voice tube of the black population could act. He considered that it was impossible for a whites in South Africa to put in the position of a black - just as little as it is possible to have a real black spokesman in a white context. The myth of the superiority of the white and the inferiority of the black convinced biko from the superiority of the white and the inferiority of the blacks convinced the black population needed its own organizations. The aim was to develop a sense of pride and humanity, on the basis of which psychological and physical suppression could be overcome by the system. In 1972, the Black People's Convention was founded as a merger of more than 70 black organizations, with Biko as Honorary President. In 1966 he began his studies at the Medical Faculty of the University of Natal (University of Natal Medical School) in Durban, in the department for black students. Shortly after start of study, Biko was actively involved in student politics. First, he met the National Union of South African Students (Nusa), but was disappointed with the time of this organization, he had the impression that they only offer black people to the existing racist society Instead of changing the system itself. As a result, biko and other black students from the Nusa joined. In 1968, they laid the foundation for the South African Students' organization (SASO), whose first President Biko became 1969. Later he was also involved in the founding of the Black People's Convention (BPC) as well as associated programs for community development (about medical centers). Due to his political engagement, he was referred to in 1972 by the Medical Faculty. After his exclusion, Biko focused fully on his political and social work. He did not give his pursuit of knowledge, he began a distance learning of law at the University of South Africa. He then worked a main time as an organizer for the "Black Community Program" in Durban until it was delivered in March 1973 a ban order. This took it to him to talk to more than one person at the same time, publicly writing or quoted; In addition, he was kept sharp by the security police. Biko has not only been occupied with a residence and integration ban between 1974 and 1977, but also four times imprisoned: twice a short time, once for 101 days and finally in that incident, which led to his death. During this period, he was prosecuted five times; The charges ranged from traffic violations on violations of the restrictions imposed against him to the accusation of moving witnesses to change their affidavit. He won all these procedures, although he often fell hard to raise funds for the court costs, and sometimes it was reliant on financial support from the "Black People's Convention". The traffic violations were often used as a pretext to control biko, to arrest or restrict his freedom of movement - a common means of apartheid authorities against activists. Biko underlined so-called "Banning Orders" (Conditions / Banners), which he u. A. Forbidden to participate in meetings, to speak with certain persons or to be in certain areas. Any transgression of these requirements could be prosecuted and was systematically monitored. The accusation of having moved witnesses to change their affidavit statements aimed to portray bikos political work as "manipulative" and undermine his credibility. In apartheiddoktrin, the political mobilization of blacks often was considered "support of crimes" or "influencing witnesses", even when it was the defense of human rights. These diverse charges were part of the state strategy to be oppositional voices such as biko not only criminalizing, but also to isolate and neutralize their social effect. It has been claimed that after its arrest on 19 August 1977, Biko was laid in chains to prevent self-injuries, and that he remained motion in the fresh air. On September 7, he fell after 22 hours of intense interrogations, torture and ill-treatment to the coma. In the following days he was investigated by doctors, which, despite his medical history, did not find any serious health problems with him. The official version that doctors have been "nothing" to be found, was seen by many as an attempt to disguise the torture. Biko was arrested on 18 August 1977 because he violated the ban to speak with other political activists. He was taken in police custody and interrogated several times - first in Port Elizabeth, then transferred to Pretoria. According to witnesses and later investigations, Biko was physically abused during the interrogations. The police denied that, but at the same time claimed he was "slipped" and kicked his head against a wall. On September 7, 1977 Biko fell into the coma. The doctors could not call a clear cause - or at least the police have no complete information about the condition and the history continued. On the 12th of September he died in the hospital. At the autopsy, it was found that he had severe brain injuries - essentially a skull brain trauma, which were due to brutal strokes or shocks. Why the "doctors could not find anything" counting is so important. This sentence is not only about the medical diagnosis, but about the political legitimacy of violence. The police and the government of Apartheid-South Africa wanted to prevent death visible as a torture result. Therefore, the story was spread from "fall" or "accident". As a result, there were several investigations (Inquests), which showed that the injuries could not have been created by a single overflow, but by repeated violence. For the anti-apartheid movement, bikos death became proof of how far the security forces would go to break dissidents. His death triggered worldwide protests. The apartheid system did not just want to control politically, but also suppress the self-esteem and the dignity of the black population. Biko itself was one of the most important representatives of the Black Consciousness movement, which aimed exactly to restore this dignity. His death was therefore perceived as a particularly brutal confirmation of this oppression. The study of the death of Steve Biko actually promoted an extremely serious and shattering image. The pathological examination (carried out by a state pathologist under the presence of an independent specialist of the Biko family, Dr. Ing. Jonathan Gluckman) covered serious injuries. In the brain, five individual damage was found (according to the pathologist, it was the violations of the crowd caused by a punch, which also caused a countershoot - a so-called coupon-controcoup trauma). In addition, the bodies rejects and hematomas on the scalp, lips and ribs. The pathologist came to the conclusion that a brain injury was the cause of death. The official version of the authorities. Justice Minister Jimmy Kruger initially claimed that Biko had died of the consequences of a hunger strike. However, this version was quickly reluctant, because it turned out that Biko has stood over loss of appetite, but had still eaten and drunk. Later, the security forces claimed that Biko had raised the injuries with a melee. He has allegedly resisted against creating the handcuffs and encountered his head on the cell wall. Medical evidence, however, spoke against it. In addition, former police officers later admitted to invented these statements themselves to cover up the truth. The investigation procedure (Inquest) began in November 1977 in the old synagogue of Pretoria and lasted about two weeks. The lawyer of the family, Sydney Kentridge, actively presented evidence. In particular, he pointed out that the extent of brain injury suggested that Biko had been unconscious after the blow was unconscious. This directly refused the claim that he actively resisted himself at the time of injury. Medical neglect, through two doctors - Ivor Lang and Benjamin Tucker - examined Biko before transporting Pretoria. Despite clear signs (disturbed coordination, washed-out language, incontinence, blood in the cerebral), they did not recognize the brain injury. In addition, an attest expressed, in which he certified, not to determine any pathological findings. Policemen expressed pressure on the doctors: they suggested diagnoses (stroke, simulation) and influenced the conclusions. On September 11, Biko - naked and handcuffed - transported from Port Elizabeth to Pretoria, a distance of about 1100 kilometers. It was transported on the loading area of a vehicle and lay there on the floor. After this journey, his condition deteriorated rapidly; Shortly after his arrival in prison, he died. In February 1978, the investigative judge Martinus Prins decided that the present evidence was insufficient to determine that death was the result of a unlawful action or omission of a particular person. Thus, nobody was found guilty. This decision excluded internationally sharp criticism at the apartheid regime. Later, Bikos family filed a civil suit against the state. In the 1990s, the truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) dealt with the case. Former policemen requested an amnesty, but their contradictory statements led to rejection. However, there was no effective criminal pursuit. In 2025, the National Prosecutor South Africa took on the investigation in this case. Donald Woods was the journalist who made Steve Biko's fate internationally. Through his friendship with Biko, his research on his death in police custody and his later book "Biko" Woods became a central figure of international anti-apartheid reporting. Woods was editor-in-chief of the "Daily Dispatch" and used his position to report on apartheid and especially via Steve Biko. After Biko died in 1977, Woods pancerted the circumstances publicly and announced the case beyond South Africa. Because of this attitude he came under pressure: he was monitored, occupied with publication bans and finally forced into exile. From the exile he continued his work and continued to wrote about South Africa and Apartheid. His book "Biko" and later the film "Cry Freedom" spread the history worldwide and made both Biko and Woods internationally known internationally. Thus, Woods became an important mediator between the South African anti-apartheid movement and the international public. Steve Biko is a truly outstanding personality. His influence was far beyond the boundaries of a single country. He became a powerful symbol of the struggle for human rights, and his ideas to today inspire movements for justice around the world. Let's look at what his contribution was and why you still remember him today. Biko is considered a founder of the "Black Consciousness Movement" (Movement for black self-confidence) in South Africa. His central thought was that suppressed groups have to go through a phase of psychological liberation before they can obtain political freedom. He called black to store their forced inferiority, to be proud of their identity to build their own institutions and believe in their own power. Biko used the slogan "Black Is Beautiful" and explained, "Man, you are okay as you are; Start to understand yourself as a person. " He leaned on the ideas of Demers like Frantz Fanon and Aimé Césair and also took over the concept of "consciousness" (consciousness) from the Brazilian educator Paulo Freire - the development of Ability of people to think critically and act to change their lives. Biko was not just an organizer: he was a thinker and educator whose most important weapon was the ability to clearly formulate the idea of human dignity and thus break the "psychological fog" of apartheid. Bikos ideas mobilized the black population of South Africa. The movement for black self-confidence played an important role in the events that marked a turning point in the fight against the regime. For example, the students of Soweto to the rebellion of 1976 - a protest against the introduction of Afrikaans as a language of instruction. This strengthened both internal resistance and international pressure on the regime. Biko also implemented concrete measures: he initiated programs at the community level (health care, kindergartens, educational funds) and founded the "Zimele" fentress in 1975 to support political prisoners and their families. Bikos tragic death in 1977 worked as a strong catalyst. His death triggered a wave of international indignation. The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 1977, which condemned the arbitrary arrests, the torture and death bikos. This moment is sometimes referred to as a "Steve-Biko Moment in International Human Rights Law": he helped to move the world community to more determined action - which finally led to the adoption of the UN antifolter convention in 1984. Bikos ideas are still up to date on "Race" (breed / ethnicity), identity and exemption. His approach - the focus on self-determination, proud of one's own culture and the need to initially "liberate consciousness" before political rights are demanded - finds in various movements for social justice. Commemorative biko is monitored in a variety of ways: There are organizations bearing his name (eg the Steve Biko Foundation or the Brazilian Steve Biko Cultural Institute); Streets and university buildings in South Africa, England and the US are named after him; 3 About him books are written and films turned (for example "cry for freedom" by Richard Attenborough, in which Denzel Washington played the role of the biko); He is quoted in discussions about racism, colonialism and human rights. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/black_consciousness_movement https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/black_consciousness_movement https://www.britannica.com/topic/black-consciousness-movement https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/61663/Chapter/553408601?searchResult=1 https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/Display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-97801902 77734-E-83? D = / 10.1093 / ACREFORE / 9780190277734.001.00 01 / ACREFORE-9780190277734-E-83 & P = EMAILAGQ4KHTX7 / EWA https://artsandculture.google.com/story/gqwbgt1iwh4a8a?hl=en https://www.standfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03057070.2018.1533301 https://sahistory.org.za/article/history-education-1658-Present https://www.whiteswritingwhiteness.ed.ac.uk/Traces/Lovedale-1920-1946/ https://www.whiteswritingwhiteness.ed.ac.uk/thinking-with-elias/the-fire-next-Time/part4/ https://bua-lit.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Clistie-pam_right-to-Learn-book.pdf https://files.libcom.org/files/baruch_hirson_year_of_fire_year_of_ash.pdf https://sahistory.org.za/archive/life-and-politics-stive-biko-yunus-momoniat-november-2014https:// www.saha.org.za/collections/al3284/c42.htmhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_woods_(Journalist) TPS: //www.voanews.com/a/a-13-a-2001-08-20-1---66941472/377601.htmlhttps: //www.derstandard.at/story /683706/anti-aptheid-aktivist-donald-woods-gestobenttps://www.bigredbook.info/donald_woods.html to)