Will it be possible that Africa united, founded a pan-africa

Will it be possible that Africa united, founded a pan-africa? This possibility can actually become reality. Theoretically, such an idea is quite possible, and it relies on a strong historical and cultural foundation - just those believe in a common fate. In practice, however, the implementation is extremely difficult due to a number of serious obstacles to foreseeable time. The Pan-Africa movement has no single founder - it was created from the interaction of different actors in Africa and the Diaspora. But some personalities are considered central ways: - Henry Sylvester Williams organized the first Pan Africa Conference in London in 1900 and founded the African Association. He is considered one of the initiators of institutional Pan-Africa work. - W. E. B. You Bois significantly led the Pan Africa congresses of the early 20th centuries (u. A. 1919 in Paris) and shaped the political and intellectual direction of movement. - Early theoretical basics already laid thinkers such as Edward Blyden and Alexander Crummell with ideas for African self-determination and the exchange between Africa and the Diaspora. - In the phase of independence movements, Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana) became a central political power of Pan-Africanism and demanded a closer political networking of the African states. The Pan-African movement emerged in response to fragmentation that the colonial age had brought with it. At the Berlin Conference of 1884/1885, boundaries were artificially drawn, causing historical, cultural and economic connections between the peoples. The Pan-Africanists saw in the unity a way to overcome this heritage: Together, it is easier to act against external influences (neo-colonialism) to develop a common economic strategy, sovereignty and cross-border problems (migration, Safety, climate change) solve. This idea was not just a buzzword. It led to the founding of organizations: first of the organization for African unity (OAU, 1963) and later the African Union (AU, 2002). The AU pursues concrete goals, namely to promote the political and socio-economic integration of the continent. Examples of steps in this direction are: The African Continental Free Trade Zone (AFCFTA) - a comprehensive initiative, which should make trade between the countries considerably easier and to boost industrialization. The protocol over the free passenger transport - a step towards degradation of internal barriers. The Agenda 2063 (* 1) - a strategic plan that formulates the vision of an integrated, wealthy and peaceful Africa. So the movement is not disappeared - it transforms and goes from purely symbolic appeals to concrete projects. Let's look at both sides. The colonial heritage and artificial limits are probably the basic problem. The colonial powers moved the boundaries in Africa, regardless of ethnic, linguistic or cultural conditions: some peoples were divided into different states, while others - without any similarities - were forced together within the same limits. As a result, many African states is difficult to develop a uniform national identity; In addition, a change of border is considered a dangerous precedent that could open the pandora's box. The next problem is the cultural and linguistic diversity. More than 2000 languages are spoken on the continent. Although the colonial languages (English, French, Portuguese) serve as working languages, but at the same time form a dividing line: Frankophone, Anglophone and Arabic-language countries tend to different cooperation models and are often rather in Competition to each other as in cooperation. Even within individual regions, linguistic heterogeneity makes it difficult to develop common political solutions. A jealous guards of the countries about sovereignty. Since acquiring their independence, the African states have defended their sovereignty extremely jealous - a principle that was already anchored in the Charter of the African Unity Organization (OAU) of 1963. The Charter of the Organization for African Unity (OAU) was adopted on May 25, 1963 in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) at a conference of Heads of State and Government of 32 African States. The document is divided into article; I have summarized the essential points thematically: Foundation of the organization (Article I). The high parties are based on the organization for African unity. You belong to the African states of the mainland, Madagascar and the other islands in the environment of Africa. Objectives (Article II). These include: strengthening the unity and solidarity of the African states; The coordination of efforts to improve the living conditions of the peoples of the continent; the protection of sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence; the elimination of all forms of colonialism in Africa; as well as the promotion of international cooperation taking into account the UN Charter and the general explanation of human rights. In order to achieve these goals, Member States undertaken to tailor their policies and diplomacy policy, economy (including transport and communication), education and culture, healthcare, science and technology, defense and safety. Principles (Article III). Member States are solemnly known for the following principles: sovereign equality of all members; Non-interference in the internal affairs of states; Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity of each state and its inalienable right to independent existence; peaceful settlement of disputes (by negotiating, mediation, mediation or arbitration); as well as the unconditional conviction of political murders and subversive activities by other states. Unrestricted commitment to complete exemption of still dependent African territories; Policy of block freedom. Membership (Article IV). Each independent and sovereign African country was a member of the organization. Rights and obligations (Article V). All Member States enjoyed equal rights and documents of the same duties. Article VI established the obligation of the Member States to strict the principles of Article III strictly. Organs of the organization (Article VII). The following organs were created to achieve the objectives of the OAU: The Conference of Heads of State and Government (Supreme Institution, which at least once a year), the Council of Ministers, the General Secretariat and the Commission for Mediation, Schlichtung and Arbitration. Entry into force and other procedural questions. The Charter came into force after two-thirds of the signatory states had deposited their instruments of ratification at the Ethiopian Government. The original text was written in African languages as well as in English and French; All language versions were equally binding. In addition, the document contained regulations for leaving the organization: A state had to address a written notice to the Secretary General; After a year (if the communication was not withdrawn), the Charter lost its validity for this state. The founding of the OAU and their charters were a reaction to the wave of decolonization. The main objective was to bundle the forces of newly independent states to safeguard sovereignty, combat the remains of colonialism and neo-colonialism and coordinate development. The principles anchored in the Charter - especially sovereignty and non-intervention - coined significantly the approach of organization in international disputes. Later, the OAU continued to develop and was replaced in 2002 by the African Union (AU) - an organization with more pronounced economic and integrative objectives. The political elites are unwilling to assign powers to supranational bodies; The transfer of control over defense, foreign policy or household is perceived as a threat to its own power position. The ambitions of the head of state play a role: only a few are ready to voluntarily give a part of their power to a continental central instance. Furthermore, there are economic imbalances. The gradient between the countries is enormous. While states such as South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt have large economies, there are some of the poorest countries in the world in their neighborhood. The economies of most countries are geared to the raw material export, barely networked and complement only a little. Inner-continental trade is historically small, while trade barriers, duties and a poor infrastructure increase the exchange. In contrast to the European Union, where integration has led to a convergence of income, there is a risk of contrary development in Africa, because resources could drain the strongest actors and thus exacerbate inequality. Political instability and conflicts. Military Putsche (Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali, Sudan, Guinea), Civil Wars, Separatist movements and terrorism undermine trust between states and make it difficult to build institutions. Unregular change of power, "hereditary democracy" and weak state institutions lead to the fact that agreements of a government can be repealed from the following. Multiple memberships in integration alliance Many countries also include three to four regional economic communities (RECS) whose mandates overlap and sometimes contradict. This leads to a fragmentation of resources, for duplication of programs and lower incentives to deepen integration within the respective block. External influence Former colonial powers and new global actors (China, USA, Russia) true their influence through economic relations, military presence and political lobbying. The Maghreb States, for example, rather focus on trade in the EU as among each other and often occur on the European market as competitors. External powers also understand it to use border and ethnic conflicts to weaken regional solidarity. The transport network inside the continent is weakly expanded: the road density is low, there are only a few railway connections, and the energy supply is unstable. This makes it difficult to trade and mobility of people. Corruption also undermines governance and confidence in institutions. Missing support in the population Integration initiatives in Africa are largely from above - from politicians and technocrats - and are barely based on the support of the population. Without the inclusion of civil society, integration is perceived as an elitized project, which weakens its legitimacy and sustainability. The obstacles on the way to a unified state are less ideological than rather structural nature - these include historical trauma, economic inequality, political instability, as well as simply the lack of roads and a common language. Many experts agree that the path to unity does not lead to a political association "from above", but by gradually economic integration, the expansion of infrastructure and the development of human capital. Although anarchists were not the driving force of Panafricanism and did not give the sound in its central structures (such as the Pan-African congresses or the OAU), they undoubtedly played a considerable role - especially at the base and in concrete local fight. Here it is important to make a distinction right at the beginning. Pan-Africanism as an ideology focuses on the solidarity of all people of African descent - both on the continent and the diaspora - in the service of a common goal: liberation and unity. His story was marked by personalities such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey and Kwame Nkrumah. Anarchists, on the other hand, considered the matter from a different angle: they sat on horizontal, non-hierarchical forms of self-organization, rejected the state as such and often practiced criticism of bureaucratic models (including certain forms of the Socialism). Anarchists and anarchosyndicalists actively organized in a number of countries (such as South Africa or Egypt) organized anarchists and anarchosyndicalists. They founded trade unions that were often internationally aligned and racial barriers through - an approach that covered directly with the anticolonial and Pan-African agenda. A striking example of this is the South African * Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union * (ICU): They spread anarchosyndicalistic ideas and fought for the rights of working ones, which is seamlessly in the general Insert liberation struggle. Anarchists often used in the conditions of colonial or post-colonial oppression for direct actions, self-defense of communities and the creation of alternative structures (such as cooperatives or mutual aid systems). Later, groups aroused, which consciously combined the panafricanism with other radical theories - including anarchism. For example, the "Anarkata" movement tries to develop an inclusive, anti-imperialist and ecologically oriented agenda by linking anarchism, black Marxism, black feminist theory and social ecology. Their goal is the liberation without the focus on the founding of a "Pan-African state" and without hierarchical structures. There were quite a tension fields, because the anarchist focus on the breaking of the state and the rejection of centralized power sometimes came into conflict with the objectives of the Pan-Africanists; These sometimes saw the need to create strong national or regional state structures in order to true the sovereignty and to enforce social reforms. Anarchism is thus a role, although a peripheral and specific: anarchists introduced ideas of direct democracy and anti-authoritarianism into the discourse, but did not shape the main flow of the movement. Communists and socialists actually played a significant role in the Pan-African movement, but they can not overvalue that - they were not their only or original "driving forces". Rather, they represented an important additional flow, especially at a certain phase. Many activists saw an instrument for the fight against colonialism and economic inequality in socialist and communist ideas. The Communist International (Comintern) linked the "national question" in the 1920s (including the liberation of Africa) directly with the worldwide struggle of the working class. This attracted those who were not only looking for an anticolonial but also to a socio-economic program. There were prominent personalities that stood at the interface of these two traditions. For example, George Padmore (from Trinidad) was actively involved in both Pan-African congresses and communist initiatives (including the International Conference Black Worker 1930 in Hamburg). Also werve.e.b. You Bois, who is often referred to as a "father of Pan-Africanism", maintained connections to communist circles. In South Africa, the Communist Party worked closely with the African National Congress (ANC), and some ANC executives (such as Nelson Mandela) were a member of the Communist Party. Socialists and communists often organized workers, founded trade unions and operated agitation in industrial centers (for example, in the gold mines of South Africa); This overcut directly with the anticolonial fight. Not all Panafricans shared the radical revolutionary tactic of the Communists. Many put on a gradual decolonization or the nation state or stressed cultural and racial solidarity rather than just the class struggle. Sometimes there were tensions. For example, the hidden influence of Communists within the ANC in the 1950s led to a cleavage: the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) under the leadership of Robert Sobukwe broke away from the movement; His followers demanded more autonomy and turned to the dominance of communist elements. During and after the Second World War, the official line of the USSR seemed: The focus shifted on the fight against fascism, which transformed anticolonial aspirations temporarily into the background. This prompted many Pan Africans to rethink their relationship to communist movement and to strive for greater independence. Communists and socialists made a significant contribution by bringing a socio-economic agenda in Pan-Africanism and mobilized the workers' masses. Nevertheless, the Pan-African movement remained broad and diverse; There was also other currents (nationalist, religious, liberals), which sometimes went their own ways. Therefore, it is more apt not to talk about that the movement was supported exclusively by them, but that they formed an important part of the left wing of the movement in a certain historical phase. I would say that a "unified Africa" is less one goal than a process. It is about the gradual deepening of cooperation in different areas: economy, security, culture and education. The central challenge is currently to implement the ideas of Pan-Africanism in practice and to align it more strongly on the actual needs of the people. The civil society, the youth and the economy - and not only governments - can play a crucial role. So there is the possibility, but depends on how successful the continent can overcome these hurdles and find a balance between the general and the particular. * 1) The Agenda 2063 is the long-term strategic framework of the African Union - often under the motto "The Africa we want" (The Africa WE Want), which (2013-2063)) For inclusive, sustainable development, continental integration and a stronger role of Africa in world events. Agenda 2063 was adopted on 31 January 2015 at the 24th Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the African Union in Addis Ababa. It emerged from the knowledge of African executives that the continent after decades in which the focus under the OAU was on the decolonization and the termination of apartheid, a new development agenda, which is aligned. Required from Panafricanism and an "African Renaissance". The Agenda 2063 is divided into seven aspirations, which include specific objectives and center of priority: 1. A wealthy Africa on the basis of inclusive growth and sustainable development. High standard of living; Elimination of poverty and hunger; Jobs and decent work; Social protection; Modern, livable habitats and basic care. 2. An integrated continent, politically constructed and based on Pan-African ideals. Depth regional and continental integration; Free movement for persons and goods; Strengthened regional economic communities; Long-term political unity. 3. An Africa of good governance, democracy, human rights, justice and the rule of law. Effective, accountable institutions; Participatory politics; Anti-corruption; Strong, development-oriented states. 4. A peaceful and safe Africa. Conflict prevention and solution; Reform of the security sector; "To silence the weapons"; Resistance to extremism and organized crime. 5. An Africa with strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and Ethii. Promoting African languages, arts and cultural heritage as well as a narrative of African Renaissance. 6. A developing agenda borne by the people, especially for women and adolescents. Equality of the sexes; Strengthening youth; Use of demographic change as a dividend instead of risk. 7. Africa as a strong, a small and influential global actor. Coordinated positions in multilateral forums; More fairer rules for world trade and finance; Klimagerechtigkeit; Strategic autonomy. [5] [6] As part of these objectives, the Agenda 2063 identifies 20 specific objectives and the accredited priority areas (eg revolution in education and competence development; Health and diet; Industrialization and value added; Modern agriculture; Blue economy / Sea economy; Climesilicity; Infrastructure and regional networking). The implementation takes place in ten-year plans (Tyips). - First Tyip (2014-2023): Focus on the creation of basics (infrastructure, agriculture, education, health, governance, peace and security). [2] [14] - Second Tyip (2024-2033): Currently in the implementation; It includes ambitious "Moonshot" goals for every priority area to speed up progress and to ensure better coordination with the UN goals for sustainable development (SDGS). The agenda 2063 and the SDGs are explicitly linked together: Many goals of the Agenda 2063 correspond directly to the targets of SDGs (eg poverty, hunger, health, education, decent work, cities, climate, oceans). Agenda 2063, however, complements this by continent-specific priorities such as political integration, free movement and strategic positioning of Africa at a global scale. Analyzes from the mid-2020s are progress in areas such as infrastructure, certain health and education indicators as well as regional trade structures, but also point to persistent challenges: poverty and inequality, deficiencies in government, Conflicts, debt load and uneven industrialization. Both critics and advocates emphasize that the success of the coherence of national politics, financing (including the implementation of AFCFTA and the mobilization of their own resources) as well as stronger coordination mechanisms within the AU Depends.