Israel is looking for a new Palestine

An official named Avri Steiner, a representative of the Kahol Lavan (Blue and White) party of former Defense Minister Benny Gantz and a board member of Himnuta (a subsidiary of the Jewish National Fund/JNF-KKL), has proposed buying or leasing uninhabited Greek islands on a long-term basis. The goal: to establish them as a "safe haven" or "wartime refuge" for Israeli civilians or Jews in case of emergency—for example, a large-scale missile attack (e.g., from Iran) or another disaster. The idea is very simple. The proposal first surfaced in 2022 and was recently (March 2026) brought up again in Israeli media such as Haaretz, against the backdrop of ongoing tensions with Iran and Hezbollah. Steiner spoke of approximately 40 uninhabited Greek islands that could be equipped with infrastructure (accommodations, etc.). He metaphorically called it an "Iron Dome for the Jewish people"—a supplementary security measure to missile defense. - Financing should be provided through JNF funds, which are traditionally intended for land purchases and “land redemption” in Israel and the Palestinian territories. The proposal was rejected by a majority of the Himnuta board. The reason given was that it contradicted the JNF's historical mandate, which focuses on Israel. Many considered the idea unrealistic or "surreal." In Greece, the news (especially around Greek Independence Day) sparked both ridicule and anger. Greece is a sovereign EU member state; selling entire islands to a foreign state or fund would be highly complex politically and questionable under international law (sovereignty issues, EU law). The reporting has been heavily picked up by media outlets from the Turkish-Islamic spectrum (Yeni Şafak, TRT World, Middle East Eye), some of which sensationally portray it as a "plan to buy Greek islands as a Jewish refuge." This fits into a narrative of regional rivalries (Turkey-Greece, Turkey-Israel). Such ideas are not an official Israeli government plan, but rather an individual initiative by a party representative that was rejected internally. Historically, Israel has repeatedly considered "Plan B" scenarios for Jewish security—from the early Zionists' Uganda Plan to various settlement projects and current debates about demographics, rocket threats, and the Diaspora. The JNF itself is an organization that has been buying and reforesting land in Israel for over 120 years; expanding abroad would be a break with this tradition. The project is hardly realistic: Greece would hardly sell dozens of islands. - Transferring sovereignty would be extremely complex under international law. - It is more of an emergency evacuation idea than a "second Israel". The proposal primarily reflects the deep security anxieties within segments of Israeli society, anxieties exacerbated by years of rocket threats, the events of October 7, 2023, and the current confrontation with Iran. Whether it will ever be seriously pursued again is questionable – so far, it has remained a marginal issue. This isn't far-fetched at all. There are several indications that Israel is seeking a "new holy land." The war with Iran has driven many Israelis from their holy land. Some have traveled to Cyprus. The signs are mounting that Israel is looking for a way out of the crisis. An Israeli investor named Erez Rivkin has made a proposal that has been causing a stir in Kenya since the beginning of 2026. Rivkin (who has lived in Kenya for about 15 years) has leased (not bought – foreigners are not allowed to own freehold land in Kenya, only leasehold for a maximum of 99 years) about 520 acres (around 210 hectares) of land in Solai, Nakuru County (Rift Valley). The project is called “Great Rift Valley Retreat” and includes: Commercial agriculture (herbs, flowers, vegetables, modern irrigation, greenhouses), renewable energies (solar) Residential and holiday properties (plots for sale or rent) Planned infrastructure: shopping center, clinic, school, pools, tourism facilities. Rivkin promotes it as a "dream project" intended to bring Israelis and Kenyans together – including a branch of a Zionist "Land and Earth School" (similar to a kibbutz model with an educational component). Parts of the plots are also being marketed to Kenyan and diaspora investors. The project has sparked a heated debate: Critics (especially on social media, in left-wing and pan-African circles) see this as "land grabbing," neocolonialism, or even an attempt to create a "mini-kibbutz" or "Zionist settlement." Some draw historical parallels to the Uganda Plan of 1903 (a British proposal for a Jewish settlement area in what was then British East Africa, which failed). Concerns revolve around: foreign land ownership, displacement of local communities, water rights, and the idea of bringing Israeli youth/students into the country. Proponents see opportunities for jobs, technology transfer (Israeli agricultural expertise), tourism and food security. Kenya's constitution and land law protect sovereignty: such leases are subject to strict regulation and expire after 99 years. There is no evidence of state involvement by Israel or the JNF (Jewish National Fund) in this specific project. The differences to the Greece proposal are as follows: Unlike Avri Steiner's Greek island idea, this is not about providing a safe haven for Jews in times of war or disaster. It is a commercial real estate and agricultural project with tourism and educational components – comparable to other foreign investments in Kenya (e.g., from the Gulf States or Europe). Israel and Kenya have maintained close bilateral relations for years, particularly in agriculture, security, water technology, and innovation (e.g., JNF agrivoltaic projects in Makueni County). Such cooperation is common, but large land deals with foreigners remain politically sensitive in Kenya – land is an emotional and historically charged issue. It is not an official Israeli government plan or an “Israel wants land in Kenya” proposal. Such private initiatives exist worldwide (Israeli entrepreneurs are active in the agricultural and real estate sectors). The uproar is partly fueled by anti-Israel narratives (TRT World, Black Agenda Report, etc.) that portray it as a "Zionist Settlement" or "Kibbutz in Kenya". Palestine must not be forgotten here. The founding of the State of Israel in 1948 was the result of Zionist immigration, international decisions, and a war initiated by the Arab side. From the 1880s onward, Jews immigrated to Palestine in waves, legally purchasing land from the Ottoman Empire or Arab landowners. By 1945, the Jewish population had grown from approximately 10% (1918) to over 30% due to immigration, while Arabs remained the majority. Zionism aimed for a Jewish nation-state, which led to tensions with the Arab population. After the First World War, Great Britain received the Mandate over Palestine and, in the 1917 Balfour Declaration, declared its support for a "national home" for the Jews. British policy fluctuated between Jewish immigration (especially after 1933) and Arab uprisings, leading to restrictions. In 1947, the UN General Assembly (Resolution 181) decided on the partition of Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state, with an international Jerusalem; Jews accepted, Arabs rejected. This triggered a civil war with violence on both sides. On May 14, 1948, David Ben-Gurion declared Israel's independence, prompting invasions by Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and others. Israel won the War of Independence and expanded its territory; approximately 700,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled (Nakba). The conflict continues to shape the region today. This could very well happen in Kenya as well. Jews immigrated slowly to Palestine; in Kenya, they will do so quickly. Iranian missiles are causing enormous destruction in Israel. One thing must not be forgotten: this war has severely damaged Israel's reputation. The genocide in Gaza has put Israel in a corner from which it will not escape.